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                <title xml:lang="grc">Ioudaios</title>
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                    Project</ref></publisher>
                <date when="2023"/>
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            <div type="edition" xml:lang="en">
                <div type="textpart" n="morphology">
                    <head>Morphology</head>
                    <p><w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος"> Ἰουδαῖος</w> -α -ον adj. Jewish, Judean; subst. a Jew, a
                        Judean, Judea; personal name; lat. <w lemma="Iudaeus">Iudaeus -a -um</w></p>
                    <p>
                        <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος"> ἡ Ἰουδαία / Ιούδα </w> subst. <placeName key="Iudaea"
                            >Judea (the region)</placeName>, lat. <w lemma="Iudaea">Iuda / Iudaea
                        </w></p>
                    <p>
                        <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος"> Ἰουδαῖος</w> a personal name</p>
                    <p>a rare form: <w lemma="Ἰουδαϊκός"> Ἰουδαϊκός -ή -όν</w> adj., lat. <w
                            lemma="Iudaicus"> Iudaicus -a -um</w></p>
                    <p>a rare derivant: <w lemma="Ἰουδαϊσμός">ὁ Ἰουδαϊσμός</w> subst. Judaism, lat.
                            <w lemma="Iudaismus"> Iudaismus</w></p>
                </div>

                <div type="textpart" n="etymology">

                    <head>Etymology</head>
                    <p>From the Hebrew noun <foreign xml:lang="he"> יְהוּדָה (y'huda)</foreign>
                        which is the kingdom of Judah and its region, and a personal name. Occurs in
                        the Hebrew bible 819 times (Liljeqvist 2010, 204). Also the Hebrew adjective
                            <foreign xml:lang="he">יְהוּדִי(y'hudi)</foreign> meaning “of Judah”,
                        especially “of the tribe of Judah”. Occurs in the Hebrew bible 76 times
                        (Liljeqvist 2010, 204). Closely related to the origins of Judaism.</p>
                    <p>The Aramaic noun is <foreign xml:lang="ar"> יְהוּד (y’hud)</foreign> and
                        adjective <foreign xml:lang="ar"> יְהוּדָי (y’hudai)</foreign> (Liljeqvist
                        2010, 585). Probably the Greek word is loaned from Aramaic rather than
                        Hebrew for the former was the official language of the area during Persian
                        rule, and more widely used before <persName type="ruler" key="Alexander_the_Great"
                            >Alexander’s</persName> conquest, and the Aramaic word also has the /ai/
                        element visible in the Greek. However, the Hebrew and Aramaic words are
                        almost identical. </p>
                    <p>The Greek word family is originated from the place name, <placeName
                            key="Iudaea">Judah</placeName> (Bauer 1988, Ἰουδαία), with which the
                        form Ιούδα seemingly coincides. If loaned from the Hebrew noun, for the
                        adjective an ending with a iota has been added, resulting as Ἰουδα-ῖος. If
                        loaned from the Aramaic adjective, the Greek ending was added, resulting as
                        Ἰουδαῖ-ος. A variant of the place name, ἡ Ἰουδαία, is derived from the Greek
                        adjective. The rare adjectival variant <w lemma="Ἰουδαϊκός"> Ἰουδαϊκός</w>
                        bears the same meaning. This form may be modelled on adjectives like <w
                            lemma="Ἑλληνικός"> Ἑλληνικός</w> and <w lemma="Ῥωμαϊκός">Ῥωμαϊκός</w>
                        (derived respectively from <w lemma="Ἕλλην">Ἕλλην</w> and <w lemma="Ῥωμαῖος"
                            >Ῥωμαῖος</w>). However, <w lemma="Ἰουδαϊκός">Ἰουδαϊκός</w> is very rare
                        and its meaning seems to be the same as <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαῖος</w>,
                        which some authors use of people, and <w lemma="Ἰουδαϊκός">Ἰουδαϊκός</w> of
                        things. The substantive <w lemma="Ἰουδαϊσμός">ὁ Ἰουδαϊσμός</w> (Judaism) is
                        very rare in Antiquity, appearing during the Hellenistic era, formed in the
                        same way as <w lemma="Ἑλληνισμός">Ἑλληνισμός</w> (Hellenism). </p>
                    <p>The Latin word <w lemma="Iudaeus">Iudaeus</w> is loaned from Greek and
                        attested since <persName type="attested" key="Cicero">Cicero</persName> (A. Ernout, A.
                        Meillet 1959, iudaeus). The region is either <w lemma="Iudaea">Iuda or
                            Iudaea</w> (Maltby 1991, Iudaea). Also the vartiant <w lemma="Iudaicus"
                            >Iudaicus</w> exists. In later Latin, the term <w lemma="Iudaismus"
                            >Iudaismus</w> is sometimes found in reference to Judaism.</p>
                    <p>As a personal name,<w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος"> Ἰουδαῖος</w> is a variant of <w
                            lemma="Ἰούδας"> Judas</w> (Williams 1997, 250). </p>
                    <p>The rare verb <w lemma="Ἰουδαΐζω"> Ἰουδαΐζω</w>, in Lat. <w lemma="Iudaizo"
                            >Iudaizo</w>, has been derived from the adjective, as well as the rare
                        adverb <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαϊκῶς</w>, in Lat. <w lemma="Iudaea"
                            >Ioudaice</w>.</p>
                </div>
            </div>

            <div type="edition" xml:lang="en">
                <div type="textpart" n="testimonies">
                    <head>Testimonies</head>
                    <p>The word has two main meanings: it refers both to the people of the region
                        and to the religion, hence Judean, Jewish and Jew. Remarkably, these are not
                        the same, for all Judeans were not Jews and vice versa, but all the meanings
                        are part of the same semantic range of the word. The exact meaning in each
                        occurrence depends on the context and is sometimes questionable. More
                        precisely, the meaning can be divided into four parts: geographical, ethnic,
                        religious and political, and the meaning might include several of these
                        aspects. In English, there are two possible words: Jew (adj. Jewish) and
                        Judean, which emphasize the religious and geographical aspects. </p>
                    <p>For the discussion, I have chosen a wide range of different texts and authors
                        both in Greek and Latin, who represent different genres and religious
                        affiliations, including epigraphical and papyrological documents. The time
                        range is from the 3rd century BCE to the early 5th century CE and the texts
                        are composed all around the Mediterranean. The objective is to give an
                        overview of the different uses of the words in different contexts.</p>
                    <p><emph rend="italics">Inscriptions</emph></p>
                    <p>In the inscription <ref type="ins">IJudO I Ach 45 </ref>(<placeName
                            key="Oropos">Oropus</placeName>, Amphiareion, 300—250 BCE.), which
                        combines a manumission and a dedication in one stele, the dedicator, a
                        freedman, is <ref type="ins">Μόσχος Μοσχίωνος <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">
                                Ἰουδαῖος</w></ref> (r. 11). The text is remarkably distinct: it is
                        the earliest Greek inscription that uses the word <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">
                            Ἰουδαῖος</w> (Cohen 1999, 96), it is the only manumission from the
                        Amfiareion (IJudO I p. 178), the only Jewish/Judean inscription from Oropos,
                        the only text from Antiquity that describes a Jew making an incubation
                        (IJudO I p. 179 and Panayotov 2004, 183) and it also describes a Jew/Judean
                        having a religious experience that includes Greek gods.</p>
                    <p> In this text people are described with three words: their personal name,
                        father’s name and place of origin, for example <ref type="ins">Ἀθηνόδωρος
                            Μνασικῶντος Ὠρώπιος</ref> (r. 7—8). In <ref type="ins"> the sacred law
                            of Oropos</ref> name and city of the people committing an incubation are
                        told to be written down.1 In the Delphoi manumissions this is not the case,
                        place of origin being mentioned in half of the texts (Hopkins 1978, 139).
                        Otherwise the manumission of Moskhos is notably similar with the later
                        Delphoi manumissions(IJudO I p. 178—179). Leipziger, Gibson, Williams and
                        Schürer think that the term <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαῖος</w> means here
                        “Jewish” (Leipziger 2021, 16; Gibson 1991, 67; Williams 1997, 250, 255 and
                        App.1; and Schürer 1973, 65).</p>
                    <p>There are three manumission documents from <placeName key="Delphi"
                            >Delphi</placeName> that use the word discussed here. The first one is
                            <ref type="ins"> IJudO I Ach 42</ref> (Delphi, the Polygonal Wall of the
                        Temple of Apollo, 163/2 BCE?): <ref type="ins"> ὄνομα <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος"
                                >Ἰουδαῖος</w> τὸ γένος <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαῖον</w></ref>. Here
                        we have a person called Ioudaios who is manumitted. It is noteworthy that
                        usually when a slave is named like this, it refers to their ethnicity
                        instead of religion (IJudO I p. 170; the examples are Κύπριος τὸ γένος
                        Κύπριον and Λίβυς γένος Λίβυς). The second text, <ref type="ins">IJudO I Ach
                            43</ref> (Delphi, the Polygonal Wall of the Temple of Apollo, 158/7
                        BCE), is similar to the first one: <ref type="ins">ὀνόματα Ἀντιγόνα τὸ γένος
                                <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαίαν</w></ref>. In the third case, <ref
                            type="ins">IJudO I Ach 44</ref> (Delphi, the terrace of the Treasury of
                        the Athenians, 2.—1. century BCE), we have a person called Ioudaios who is
                        the manumitter, not the slave: <ref type="ins">
                            <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαῖος</w> Πινδάρου</ref>, his name occuring in
                        the text several times. The general opinion seems to be that these three
                        people, i.e. the ex-slaves Ioudaios and Antigona and the slave owner
                        Ioudaios, are Jews.3 However, Schürer thinks that Ioudaios the manumitter’s
                        Jewishness is uncertain, because he does not take the name as a certain
                        indicator of one’s Jewishness (Schürer 1973, 65).</p>
                    <p>In three or four manumission documents (<ref type="ins"> IJudO I BS 5-7, no.
                            9</ref> is very fragmentary) from the <placeName key="Black_Sea">Black
                            sea</placeName>, the community (synagogue) of Jews guarantees the
                        manumission. In <ref type="ins"> BS 5</ref> (<placeName key="Panticapaeum"
                            >Panticapaeum</placeName>, 81 CE) the expression is: <ref type="ins"
                            >συνεπινευςάντων…τῆς συναγογῆς τῶν Ἰουδαῖων </ref>(with the community of
                        the Jews providing a joint guardianship). In this document the manumission
                        is said to be done in the prayer house, which supports the religious meaning
                        of Ἰουδαῖος.</p>
                    <p>In <placeName key="Egypt">Egypt</placeName>, the word was in use since
                        Hellenistic times. For example in the dedication <ref type="ins">JIGRE
                            22</ref> (246—221 BCE, Schedia (Nashwa)) <ref type="ins">
                            <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι</w></ref> dedicate a proseuche in behalf
                        of the Ptolemies. Here the meaning is clearly religious, Jews. Similarily in
                            <ref type="ins">JIGRE 24</ref> (140—116 BCE, Xenephyris), <ref
                            type="ins">25</ref> (140—116 BCE, Nitriai), <ref type="ins">27</ref> (2.
                        or 1. cent. BCE, Athribis) and <ref type="ins">117</ref> (246—221 BCE,
                        Arsinoe-Crocodilopolis).</p>
                    <p>The word is used also in later times in both meanings. In the epitaph <ref
                            type="ins">JIWE I 188</ref> (<placeName key="Villamesías"
                            >Villamesías</placeName>, <placeName key="Lusitania"
                            >Lusitania</placeName>, <placeName key="Hispania">Spain</placeName>,
                        1.—3. cent. CE) the deceased is <ref type="ins">Alucius Roscius Cai libertus
                            -- <w lemma="Iudeus">Iudeus</w></ref>, a Jew. The inscription <ref
                            type="ins">IJudO II 40</ref> from <placeName key="Smyrna"
                            >Smyrna</placeName> (list of donors, c. 120 CE) mentions<ref type="ins">
                            <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">οἱ ποτὲ Ἰουδαῖοι</w>
                        </ref>, which Kraabel thinks for semantic reasons means former Judeans and
                        current Smyrnans, not former Jews (Kraabel 1982, 455), but Margaret Williams
                        argues that ποτέ is never used that way in geographical expressions, in
                        which case the meaning would be religious, “former Jews” (Williams 1997,
                        252). In <ref
                            corresp="http://www.edr-edr.it/edr_programmi/res_complex_comune.php?do=book&amp;id_nr=&amp;fo_antik=&amp;fo_modern=&amp;Bibliografia%5B%5D=&amp;Testo=%26%23953%3B%26%23959%3B%26%23965%3B%26%23948%3B%26%23945%3B%26%23953%3B%26%23959%3B%26%23962%3B&amp;boolTesto=AND&amp;Testo2=&amp;bool=AND&amp;ordinamento=id_nr&amp;javasi=javascriptsi&amp;se_foto=tutte&amp;lang=it"
                            >the epitaph</ref>
                        <ref type="ins">JIWE II 567</ref> (city of <placeName key="Rome"
                            >Rome</placeName>, exact location unknown, 3.—4. cent. CE) the deceased
                        is described as follows: <ref type="ins">ἐνθάδε κεῖτη Κυιανος
                                Ἰουδαῖος</ref>. There is also a menorah. Here
                        the editor suggests that <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">Ἰουδαῖος</w> means ”Jew” and
                        the name might be Quirinus. The same applies to <ref type="ins">JIWE II
                            233</ref> (epitaph, Vigna Randanini, <placeName key="Rome"
                            >Rome</placeName>, 3—4. cent. CE) where the deceased is <ref type="ins"
                            >Marcia Bona <w lemma="Iudaeus">Iudea</w></ref> and the stone also has a
                        menorah, which supports the religious meaning. In the epitaph <ref
                            type="ins">IJudO I Ach 40</ref> from <placeName key="Pireus"
                            >Piraeus</placeName>, date unknown, the text reads: <ref type="ins"
                            >Δημήτριος Δημητρίου Εἰουδαῖος </ref>(Demetrius son of Demetrius, a
                        Jew). Normally, if a person’s place of origin is mentioned, the city is
                        named, not the region.</p>
                    <p>The epitaph <ref type="ins">I.J.Afr. 71</ref> (2. cent. CE, Cirta, <placeName
                            key="Numidia">Numidia</placeName>) reads: <ref type="ins">D(is)
                            M(anibus) Iuliae Victoriae <w lemma="Iudaea">[Iu]deae</w></ref>. And the
                        epitaph <ref type="ins">IJudO I Pan 4</ref> (2.—3. cent. CE., Siklós,
                        Pannonia): <ref type="ins">D(is) M(anibus)Septimiae Mariae <w lemma="Iudaea"
                                >Iudaeae</w></ref>. Both Christians and Jews used the DM formula
                        (Williams 1997, 253; She also takes Iulia from Cirta to be Jewish, 260).
                        Kraemer brings up the idea that Maria herself did not have to be Jewish, but
                        her parents gave her a Jewish name because they were interested in Judaism
                        admiring it and thus included Iudeus to their child’s name (Kraemer 1989,
                        49). This theory has been criticised for making difference between ”real”
                        Jews and people merely interested in Judaism is practically impossible (Van
                        der Horst 1991, 70—71). Additionally, the editors do not agree with the idea
                        of Maria’s trinomina, because her parent’s names only have two parts (IJudO
                        I, p. 16).</p>
                    <p>In the votive <ref
                            corresp="http://www.edr-edr.it/edr_programmi/res_complex_comune.php?do=book&amp;id_nr=EDR090028"
                            >inscription </ref>
                        <ref type="ins">CIL V 4221</ref> (2. cent. CE, <placeName key="Brixia">
                            Brixia</placeName>, <placeName key="Lombardia">Lombardia)</placeName>
                        the donor describes herself as “Juda”: <ref type="ins">Iunonibus Annia
                            L(ucii) l(iberta) <w lemma="Iudaea">Iuda</w> pro suis v(otum)
                            s(olvit)</ref>. Kraemer suggests that Annia had converted to Judaism,
                        polytheism being a remnant of her former religious practises (Kraemer 1989,
                        42). Solin, on the other hand, proposes an alternative reading: Iuda might
                        have been a mistake, the intended word maybe having being Iulia. He also
                        points out that Iuda was a male name, whereas Annia was a woman (Solin 1983,
                        743). It is hard to say whether the intended word was the adjective or the
                        place name. The form seems like the place name, but in this context the
                        adjective or the place name in an inflected form is rather expected.</p>
                    <p> In the <placeName key="Dalmatia">Dalmatian</placeName> funerary inscription
                            <ref type="ins">IJudO I Dal 3</ref> (4. cent. CE, <placeName
                            key="Salonae">Salonae </placeName>) a distinction is made between
                        Romans, Jews and Christians: <ref type="ins">Romani sive <w lemma="Iudaeus"
                                >Iudei</w> vel Crissiani</ref>. Here <w lemma="Iudaeus"
                            >Iud(a)eus</w> refers to a religious group and even though in
                        administrative sense Jewishness is not an opposite of Roman, in religious
                        and cultural sense it here is. The term is also used to describe synagoues,
                        for example <ref type="ins">IJudO II 157</ref> (epitaph, dating
                        uncertain,Pargoire, Nikomedeia, <placeName key="Bithynia"
                            >Bithynia</placeName>): <ref type="ins"> τῇ συναγογῇ <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος"
                                >τῶν Ἰουδέων</w></ref>. Maybe also in <ref type="ins">JIWE II
                            18</ref> (Castel Porziano, <placeName key="Ostia">Ostia</placeName>, 2nd
                        cent. CE) which perhaps reads <ref type="ins">[synagoga (?)]<w
                                lemma="Iudaeus"> Iudeorum</w></ref>. In the votive inscription <ref
                            type="ins">IJudO I Pan 3</ref> (Dunapentele, <placeName key="Pannonia"
                            >Pannonia</placeName>, 233–235 CE) the votive is made to the <persName
                            type="divine" key="Deus_Aeternus">Deus Aeternus</persName> in behalf of
                        the emperor, the donor’s name beginning Spondill*, and he is <ref type="ins"
                            > a synag(oga) Ioudeor(um)</ref> (from the Jewish synagogue), the last
                        word being outside frame of tabula ansata.</p>
                    <p>There is one inscription where the meaning cannot be geographical. In a
                        funerary inscription from <placeName key="Rome">Rome</placeName> (3.—4.
                        cent. CE) the deceased is <ref type="ins">Ἀμμιὰς <w lemma="Ἰουδαῖος">
                                Ἰουδέα</w> ἀπὸ Λαοδικίας </ref><ref type="ins">(CIJ 296)</ref>. For
                        there is no such town as Laodikea in <placeName key="Iudaea"
                            >Judea</placeName>, the word here must have a religious meaning
                        (Williams 1997, 251 and App. 1 no. 6). Silmilarily in instances where
                        another geographical place is mentioned the meaning of Ἰουδαῖος is more
                        likely religious, for example in the epitaph <ref type="ins">IJudO I Dal
                            2</ref> (Senia, <placeName key="Dalmatia">Dalmatia</placeName>, 3.–4.
                        cent. CE) the deceased is <ref type="ins">Ἀὺρηλιους Διονυσιους Ἰουδεους
                            Τιβεριηνσις</ref> (Aurelius Dionysios, a Jew from Tiberias). </p>
                    <p><emph rend="italics">Notes</emph></p>
                    <p>1) The sacred law is <ref type="ins">I. Oropos 277</ref> and this commandment
                        is on r. 40—41. The law dates c. 386—373 BCE which makes it older than the
                        Moskhos inscription. About the text see Renberg 2016, 275.</p>
                    <p>2) The word ὀνόματα is in plural, because Antigona is manumitted with her
                        daughters, Theodora and Dorothea. The children are not part of the
                        discussion here because they are not described with the term Ἰουδαῖος.</p>
                    <p> 3) IJudO I editors, see the texts in the corpus; Frey 1975, 512—513;
                        Panayotov 2004, 175—176; Cohen 1999, 98; Gibson 1991, 68—69. Gibson says ”of
                        jewish origin”; Schürer 1973, 65; Gruen 2016, 125; Williams 1997, 250 and
                        App.1.</p>
                    <p><emph rend="italics">Papyri</emph></p>
                    <p>Along with the geographical, ethnic and religious meanings, the word has a
                        military aspect, apparent especially in papyri. During Hellenistic times,
                        people described as Ἰουδαῖοι served in armies, which had troops of foreign
                        origin, like Thessalians, Macedonians and Persians, under both Ptolemies and
                        Seleucids (CPJ I, p. 11—12).</p>
                    <p>
                        <persName type="attested" key="Josephus">Josephus</persName> describes the men in Ptolemies’
                        army in <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+12.7&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145"
                                > AJ 12.7-8</ref>
                        </ref><ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146%3Abook%3D12 &quot;"
                            > saying</ref> that they were gathered from around Judaea, Jerusalem,
                        Samaria and Gerizim, but not calling them Ἰουδαῖοι. However, he brings up
                        the incident of <persName type="ruler" key="Alexander_the_Great">Alexander</persName> and
                        the Jewish high priest in <placeName key="Jerusalem">Jerusalem</placeName>,
                        described by himself in <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+11.318&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145 "
                                >AJ 11.318</ref></ref>, <ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146%3Abook%3D11 "
                            >where</ref> the high priest keeps his promise not to fight Dareius
                        despite Alexander’s request of support. By connecting the gathering of the
                        Ptolemaic army with the high priest Josephus implies that the people were
                        the same: Jews. The meaning in papyri is more nuanced than Josephus lets
                        understand. The national designations changed when a person was moved from
                        one unit to another, because of which the term Ἰουδαῖος may refer rather to
                        the persons position in the army and the army’s structure than religion (CPJ
                        I, p. 13—14).</p>
                    <p>For example, in <ref type="pap">CPJ I 18</ref> (a deed of renunciation, 260
                        BCE, Phebichis/Herakleopolites) the other party of the quarrel is: <ref
                            type="pap">συγγραφὴ … καὶ Άλεξάνδρου τοῦ Άνδρονίκου Ἰουδαίου</ref>
                        (writing of Alexander son of Andronikos, Ἰουδαῖος) and as the editors note,
                        the witnesses are of Greek origin. The only religious part of the text is
                        the dating in the beginning which includes deified rulers, thus there is no
                        internal reason to understand Ἰουδαῖος in a religious sense. Yet “Judean” is
                        also problematic for the person might have lived in Egypt for a long time,
                        which on the other hand does apply to the other national designations as
                        well, such as “Macedonian”. The religious and geographical meanings both
                        being problematic, the ethic meaning seems the most plausible, with an
                        emphasis on geography rather than religion, for the designations are based
                        on region, not religion. Hence, I suggest we translate Ἰουδαῖος as “Judean”
                        in Hellenistic military contexts keeping in mind that the person might have
                        never actually been to Judea. To give another example of the same kind, in
                            <ref type="pap">CPJ I 19</ref> (a trial document, 226 BCE,
                        Krokodilopolis / <placeName key="Fayum">Fayum</placeName>) the parties are
                            described:<ref type="pap"> Δωςίθεος … Ἰουδαῖος τῆς ἐπιγονῆς Ἡρακλείαι
                            Διοσδότου Ἰουδαίαι </ref>(Dositheos son of… Judean of the Epigone, to
                        Herakleia daugher of Diosdotos, Jewess). In Herakleia’s case the meaning is
                        more difficult to define, for she was not in the army herself but the use of
                        the term may imply her being close to it by family connections. Calling her
                        Judean seems safer than supposing her religion in a context that has no
                        religious implications, but her being from Judea is unlikely as well. Thus,
                        the meaning is highly debatable, but her being Jewish seems more probable
                        than Judean, for as well known, there were significant Jewish communities in
                        the area. </p>
                    <p>The term also appears outside military context. <ref type="pap">CPJ I 8</ref>
                        is a fragment of an account (Philadelphia / <placeName key="Fayum"
                            >Fayum</placeName>, 256 BCE) and reads: <ref type="pap">Ἀντιγόνης
                            Ἰουδαῖος κε(ράμια) κη </ref>(Antigones the Jew, 28 jars). The context
                        does not allow understanding the nuances of the meaning and neither
                        translation, Jew nor Judean, can be strongly defended based on the text
                        alone, like in the former case of Herakleia, but Jewish seems more probable.
                        In cases like this it is also notable that usually a person’s place of
                        origin is a city, not a region. Similarly, in one of the letters from the
                        Zenon archive (<ref type="pap"> CPJ I 9</ref> = P. Edg. 108, 253 BCE,
                        Philadelphia / <placeName key="Fayum">Fayum</placeName>), Zenon tells Krotos
                        to get wool from Pasis (a): <ref type="pap">παρὰ Πάσιτος τοῦ Ἰουδαίου</ref>
                        (from Pasis the Jew) and Pasis also receives corn (b): <ref type="pap"
                            >Πάσιτι Ἰουδαίω</ref> (to Pasis the Jew). In the petition <ref
                            type="pap"> CPJ I 38</ref> (Krokodilopolis / Fayum, 218 BCE), which
                        concerns a purchase of wool, the petitioner and a wool-merchant Harmiysis
                        writes to the king complaining: <ref type="pap">ἀδικοῦμαι ὑπὸ Σεῶτος
                            Ίουδαίου τῶν κατοικούντων έν Ἀλαβανθίδι </ref>(I am being wronged by
                        Seos, a Jew living in Alabanthis).</p>
                    <p>To give an example of the complex designations in military context, in the
                        document <ref type="pap">CPJ II 417</ref> (an agreement concerning a loan,
                            <placeName key="Babylon">Babylon</placeName> (<placeName
                            key="Heliopolite">Heliopolite</placeName> district), 59 CE) there are
                        three Ἰουδαῖοι, who nevertheless are also Persians by epigone and come from
                        a Syrian village: <ref type="pap"> οἱ τρίς Ἰουδαῖοι Πέρσαι τῆς ἐπι̣γονῆς
                            τῶν̣ ἀπὸ Σύρω̣ν κώμης.</ref> Here the meaning of the term seems to be
                        religious or ethnic with a cultural emphasis.</p>
                    <p>The one last category of papyri I would like to discuss is that of the Jewish
                        tax. Jews of course paid different taxes like any other people, but in the
                        case of the Jewish tax the question of one’s Jewishness rises. For
                        administrational purposes there was an official, presumably gentile, who
                        decided who had to pay. Unfortunately, there is no information who did the
                        decisions and on what basis – how did the Hellenistic and later Roman
                        administration define the Jewishness of their subjects? The situation in the
                        Roman case is easier: the didrachmon paid to the Temple was directed to
                            <persName type="divine" key="Jupiter">Jupiter Capitolinus</persName>
                        after the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE, and since paying the
                        didrachmon was a religious act, the Jewish tax was targeted to Jews (see CPJ
                        p.112—113).</p>
                    <p>As for earlier Hellenistic times, the situation is less clear. At first, till
                        the end of the 3rd cent. BCE, οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι were counted as Hellenes, who had
                        tax privileges, but after that they were categorized under their own title,
                        even though the status supposedly remained the same (Clarysse, Thompson
                        2006, 147—148). The question is, who were these Ἰουδαῖοι? Clearly not
                        Egyptian, but on what basis did officials define their Jewishness/Judeanness
                        and were they interested rather on the geographical meaning keeping in mind
                        the military settlers from Judea, or cultural and religious aspects, which
                        usually were key elements of Hellenism? At least it is clear that the
                        decision was political and that in this context οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι were pampered
                        instead of oppressed. </p>
                    <p><emph rend="italics">Literary sources</emph></p>
                    <p> In the <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="https://www.septuagint.bible/1-maccabees"> 1st
                                Maccabees</ref></ref> (c. 1. cent. BCE), we can divide three major
                        groups in the region: Jews (the rebels, Israelites), the enemies (officials)
                        and a more ambiguous group of the “bad Jews” (Jews but not rebels) and other
                        inhabitants of the region whose religious feelings are unclear, Judeans. The
                        author of the 1st Maccabees usually refers to the religious group using the
                        word Israel and to the region as <placeName key="Judaea">Judah</placeName>.
                        Hence here Ἰουδαῖος usually but not always refers the region instead of
                        religion.</p>
                    <p> For the bad Jews, <ref type="lit">1. Macc. 1:11</ref> says <ref type="lit"
                            >Εν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἐξῆλθον ἐξ <placeName key="Israel"
                                >᾿Ισραὴλ</placeName> υἱοὶ παράνομοι καὶ ἀνέπεισαν πολλοὺς-- </ref>
                            (<ref
                            corresp="https://www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/1-Maccabees-Chapter-1/ "
                            >KJV</ref>: In those days went there out of Israel wicked men, who
                        persuaded many) and 1:15 <ref type="lit">καὶ ἐποίησαν ἑαυτοῖς ἀκροβυστίας
                            καὶ ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ διαθήκης ἁγίας καὶ ἐζευγίσθησαν τοῖς ἔθνεσι καὶ
                            ἐπράθησαν τοῦ ποιῆσαι τὸ πονηρόν </ref>(KJV: And made themselves
                        uncircumcised, and forsook the holy covenant, and joined themselves to the
                        heathen, and were sold to do mischief). Also 1:43: <ref type="lit">καὶ
                            πολλοὶ ἀπὸ ᾿Ισραὴλ εὐδόκησαν τῇ λατρείᾳ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἔθυσαν τοῖς εἰδώλοις
                            καὶ ἐβεβήλωσαν <rs type="practice">τὸ σάββατον</rs></ref> (KJV: Yea, many
                        also of the Israelites consented to his religion, and sacrificed unto idols,
                        and profaned the sabbath). </p>
                    <p> The rebels are described <ref type="lit">τότε συνήχθησαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς
                            συναγωγὴ ῾Ασιδαίων, ἰσχυροὶ δυνάμει ἀπὸ <placeName key="Israel"
                                >᾿Ισραὴλ</placeName>, πᾶς ὁ ἑκουσιαζόμενος τῷ νόμῳ· </ref>(2:42)
                        (KJV: Then came there unto him a company of Assideans who were mighty men of
                        Israel, even all such as were voluntarily devoted unto the law). Notably the
                        word Ἰουδαῖος is not used, instead the word used to refer to the religion is
                        Israel. There are other expressions too, such as <ref type="lit">τὸ γένος
                            ᾿Ιακώβ </ref> (5:2) (the offspring of <persName type="attested" key="Jacob"
                            >Jacob</persName>). The Israel vocabulary is used also for the “bad
                        Jews”: <ref type="lit">πάντες ἄνδρες ἄνομοι καὶ ἀσεβεῖς ἐξ <placeName
                                key="Israel">᾿Ισραήλ</placeName></ref> (7:5) (KJV: all the wicked
                        and ungodly men of Israel). </p>
                    <p> In the same work, the meaning Judea is used: 1:29 says <ref type="lit">εἰς
                            τὰς πόλεις ᾿Ιούδα</ref> (to the cities of Judah). The next passage<ref
                            type="lit"> (1:30)</ref> talks about Jerusalem and the inhabitants
                        killed there are the people from Israel: <ref type="lit">λαὸν πολὺν ἐξ
                                <placeName key="Israel">᾿Ισραήλ</placeName></ref> (lots of people
                        from Israel). Similarly, Jerusalem and cities of Judah are mentioned: <ref
                            type="lit"><placeName key="Jerusalem">εἰς ῾Ιερουσαλὴμ</placeName> καὶ
                            τὰς πόλεις ᾿Ιούδα </ref>(1:44) (to Jerusalem and to the cities of
                        Judah). </p>
                    <p> A use of Ἰουδαῖος referring to the rebels is 8:20, which says<ref type="lit"
                            > ᾿Ιούδας ὁ Μακκαβαῖος καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων
                        </ref>(KJV: Judas Maccabeus with his brethren, and the people of the Jews).
                        The meaning here is ambiguous for the distinctive feature of the rebels is
                        their religious ideas but on the other hand the context is <rs type="speech">
                            a speech </rs>to the Romans to get support. We have similar uses in
                            12:3<ref type="lit"> ᾿Ιωνάθαν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ τὸ ἔθνος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων
                        </ref>(KJV: Jonathan the high priest, and the people of the Jews) and 12:6
                            <ref type="lit">᾿Ιωνάθαν ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ἡ γερουσία τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ οἱ
                            ἱερεῖς καὶ ὁ λοιπὸς δῆμος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων </ref>(KJV: Jonathan the high
                        priest, and the elders of the nation, and the priests, and the other of the
                        Jews). Representing all Judeans as a unanimous group and as rebels is
                        possibly a rhetoric choice. Speaking of Simon, 13:42 reads: <ref type="lit">
                            ὁ λαὸς ᾿Ισραὴλ -- ἐπὶ Σίμωνος ἀρχιερέως μεγάλου καὶ στρατηγοῦ καὶ
                            ἡγουμένου ᾿Ιουδαίων</ref> (KJV: Then the people of Israel -- In the
                        first year of Simon the high priest, the governor and leader of the Jews).
                        Here there is in the same sentence the people of Israel and Simon, the
                        leader of οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι. Similarly,14:47: <ref type="lit">--Σίμων -- στρατηγὸς
                            καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων </ref>(KJV: Simon -- captain and governor of
                        the Jews). The meaning of ᾿Ιουδαῖος here remains questionable, but the
                        context does seem official and Simon the leader of the whole area, therefore
                        the meaning would be Judeans, including Jews. </p>
                    <p> Notably, in 2:23 there’s an <ref type="lit">ἀνὴρ ᾿Ιουδαῖος </ref>(KJV: one
                        of the Jews) who comes to <rs type="practice"> sacrifice</rs> at the altar of
                        Modein against the Maccabees’ will. The strong reaction of the Maccabees
                        indicates that he was not only Judean but also a Jew. Also, the camp of the
                        rebels is described using ᾿Ιουδαῖος: <ref type="lit">ἐπὶ τὴν παρεμβολὴν τῶν
                            ᾿Ιουδαίων </ref>(4:2) (KJV: in upon the camp of the Jews). Speaking of
                        the camp it is clear that the people are Jews, the rebels, not just any
                        Judeans. </p>
                    <p> In the <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="https://www.septuagint.bible/2-maccabees">2nd
                                Maccabees</ref></ref> (c. 1. cent. BCE) describing the content of
                        the book, the author tells that it’s about people of Ἰουδαϊσμός, who came to
                        control the land even though they were few: 2:21 <ref type="lit">--ὥστε τὴν
                            ὅλην χώραν ὀλίγους ὄντας λεηλατεῖν</ref>. In this book, the people in
                        Judaism are systematically called Ἰουδαῖος, which is notably different from
                        the 1st Maccabees. The first book was originally written in Hebrew by a
                        Judean whereas the Second in Greek by a Diaspora Jew (Schwartz 2014, 12),
                        which explains the different uses of the words.</p>
                    <p> οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι were a minority in <placeName key="Jaffa_Joppe">Jaffa
                            (Joppe)</placeName>: <ref type="lit">τοὺς σὺν αὐτοῖς οἰκοῦντας
                            Ἰουδαίους</ref> (12:3) (KJV: the Jews that dwelt among them), also in
                            <placeName key="Jamnia">Jamnia</placeName> (12:8). Here οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι are
                        Jews, representatives of certain habits and religious ideas, not all
                        Judeans. 8:9 <ref type="lit">τὸ σύμπαν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων – γένος </ref>(KJV: the
                        whole generation of the Jews) is about the Jewish nation/people, whom
                        Nikanor was sent to destroy. The object is the rebels, not the whole
                        population. In 8:10 <ref type="lit">ἐκ τῆς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων αἰχμαλωσίας
                        </ref>there are Jewish captives. The war is fought against the rebels and
                            <persName type="divine" key="God"><w lemma="παντοκράτωρ"
                            >παντοκράτωρ</w></persName> is said to revenge for them so we are
                        talking about Jews. In the next sentence the same captives are referred as
                            <ref type="lit">ἐπ᾿ ἀγορασμὸν ᾿Ιουδαϊκῶν σωμάτων </ref> (KJV: a sale of
                        the captive Jews). The two adjectives Ἰουδαῖος and Ἰουδαϊκός seem to be
                        synonyms the latter being used for things, the bodies, and the former for
                        people, captives. 8:36 says <ref type="lit"> ὑπέρμαχον ἔχειν τὸν <w
                                lemma="θεός">Θεὸν</w> τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους </ref> (KJV: 36 the Jews had
                            <persName type="divine" key="God">God</persName> to fight for them).
                        Here we have a religious context: οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι are the rebels and they are
                        said to have a protector-god, which emphasizes the religiousness of the
                        group. Passage 8:1 <ref type="lit">ἐν τῷ ᾿Ιουδαϊσμῷ </ref>describes the
                        rebels, who are “in Judaism” (David Schwartz arguments that Ἰουδαϊσμός here
                        means indeed the religion, Judaism; Schwartz 2014, 7—8).</p>
                    <p> Another use of Ἰουδαϊκός is in 13:21 <ref type="lit">Ρόδοκος ἐκ τῆς
                            ᾿Ιουδαϊκῆς</ref> (Rodokos of the Jews). In this chapter the rebels (the
                        followers of Judas) are οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, for example 13:18 <ref type="lit">τῶν
                            ᾿Ιουδαίων εὐτολμίας </ref>(the courage of Jews). Rodokos was a traitor
                        but in no other instances “bad Jews” are referred to with a different word.
                        Hence it seems that here as well Ἰουδαῖος and Ἰουδαϊκός are synonyms and
                        there is no apparent reason for the change of word. Rodokos is from ἡ
                        Ἰουδαϊκή, the exact meaning remaining unclear.</p>
                    <p>
                        <persName type="attested" key="Cicero">Cicero</persName> (106 – 43 BCE) mentions Jews a few
                        times in his speech <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp=" http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0013%3Atext%3DFlac.%3Achapter%3D28 "
                                >Pro Flacco</ref></ref>, dealing with the gold given by Jews around
                        Rome to Jerusalem (aurum Iudaeorum nomine, 28.67). Here the use is clearly
                        religious for he speaks about people residing all over the empire
                        participating a common practise for the Temple. <ref type="lit">Pro Flac.
                            28.68</ref>: <ref type="lit"> non enim credo religionem et Iudaeorum et
                            hostium impedimento praestantissimo imperatori, sed pudorem
                            fuisse.</ref> (For I do not suppose that the religion of the Jews, our
                        enemies, was any obstacle to that most illustrious general, but that he was
                        hindered by his own modesty.) (Translation by C. D. Yonge, B. A. London.
                        Henry G. Bohn, York Street, Covent Garden, 1856. <ref
                            corresp=" http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.02.0019:text=Flac.:chapter=28&amp;highlight=jews"
                            > Perseus</ref>)</p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit"><persName type="attested" key="Strabo">Strabo</persName></ref> (1st cent.
                        BCE – 1st cent. CE) calls the land ἡ Ἰουδαία and tells that οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι are
                        people living in this region <ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Strab.+16.2&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0197"
                            >(16.2.2)</ref>. A bit later, describing the <placeName key="Palestine"
                            >Palestinian</placeName> coast, he calls the people of the area again οἱ
                        Ἰουδαῖοι. He describes <placeName key="Jerusalem">Jerusalem</placeName> as
                        their city: <ref type="lit">τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα τὴν τῶν Ἰουδαίων μητρόπολιν </ref>
                        <ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Strab.+16.2&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0197"
                            >(16.2.28)</ref>. They are an <w lemma="ἔθνος">ἔθνος</w> and because of
                        the geographical nature of the work, the meaning is primarily Judean – their
                        cultural or religious customs are not mentioned, and the Diaspora is not
                        taken into account.</p>
                    <p>
                        <persName type="attested" key="Philo">Philo</persName> (c. 20 BCE – 1st cent. CE) uses
                        Ἰουδαῖος for people and Ἰουδαϊκός for things, the meaning of both adjectives
                        being religious. Philo writes from the Diasporan point of view and discusses
                        the universal phenomenon of Judaism, not merely Judeans.</p>
                    <p> Speaking about conversion, in <ref type="lit">Virt. 108</ref> Philo says
                        that a person should be taken into the τὴν Ἰουδαίων πολιτείαν (community of
                        Jews). The meaning is clearly religious for in the same passage that is
                        mentioned to include divine revelations. In <ref type="lit">Virt. 212</ref>
                        he describes <persName type="attested" key="Abraham">Abraham</persName>:<ref
                            type="lit"> --τοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους ὁ πρεσβύτατος γένος μὲν ἦν
                            Χαλδαῖος, πατρὸς δὲ ἀστρονομικοῦ τῶν περὶ τὰ μαθήματα διατριβόντων
                            --</ref> (The most ancient member of the Jewish nation was a Chaldaean
                        by birth, the son of an astrologer, one of those who study the lore of that
                        science--). Philo highlights Abraham’s diverse background bringing up him
                        being <placeName key="Babylon">Chaldaean</placeName> (Text and translation
                        Loeb Philo, On the virtues, p. 228, 292). </p>
                    <p> Philo explains <persName type="attested" key="Moses">Moses</persName> in
                        relation to the Jews. <ref type="lit">Mos. 1.1</ref>: <ref type="lit">
                            Μωυσέως τοῦ κατὰ μέν τινας νομοθέτου τῶν Ἰουδαίων, κατὰ δέ τινας
                            ἑρμηνέως νόμων ἱερῶν -- </ref>(Moses, whom some describe as the
                        legislator of the Jews, others as the interpreter of the Holy Laws). Also
                            <ref type="lit">Mos. 1.7</ref>: τοῦ σύμπαντος Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους ἀρχηγέτης
                        (the founder of the whole Jewish nation). Similarly, Philo’s Flaccus opens
                        with <ref type="lit"> τὴν κατὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐπιβουλήν </ref>(the policy of
                        attacking the Jews) <ref type="lit">(Flac. 1)</ref>. In the same work, he
                        describes Jews as fellow-citizens of other Alexandrians, referring also to
                        their religious practises: <ref type="lit">-- τοῖς πολίταις αὐτῶν Ἰουδαίοις
                            εἰς τὰς προσευχὰς καὶ τὰ πάτρια νεωτερίζοντες</ref> (--outrage their
                        Jewish fellow-citizens by rioting against their synagogues and ancestral
                        customs.) <ref type="lit">(Flac. 47)</ref> (Text and translation Loeb Philo,
                        Flaccus, p. 302, 328). </p>
                    <p> As for Ἰουδαϊκός, in <ref type="lit">Flaccus 73</ref> Philo writes: <ref
                            type="lit">μηδὲν μέρος τῶν Ἰουδαϊκῶν </ref>(no side of Jewish life)
                        (Loeb p. 342), here the neuter plural τὰ Ἰουδαϊκὰ means “Jewish things”. The
                        use of the adjectives is especially demonstrative in <ref type="lit">Flac.
                            55</ref>: <ref type="lit">πέντε μοῖραι τῆς πόλεώς εἰσιν -- τούτων δύο
                            Ἰουδαϊκαὶ λέγονται διὰ τὸ πλείστους Ἰουδαίους ἐν ταύταις κατοικεῖν
                        </ref>(The city has five quarters -- two of these are called Jewish because
                        most of the Jews inhabit them) (Loeb p. 332). In other words, Ἰουδαῖος
                        describes people, Jews, and Ἰουδαϊκός things, here the quarters. Other
                        authors don’t employ this division as scrupulously.</p>
                    <p>
                        <persName type="attested" key="Josephus">Josephus</persName> (1st cent. CE) lists Jewish
                        cities <ref type="lit">(AJ 13.395)</ref> and here οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι is a group
                        within the region of Judea, hence not all Judeans but Jews. Tessa Rajak
                        argues that for Josephus οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι are Jews and he describes the
                        population of the area using the division Jews-Greeks-barbarians (Rajak
                        2001, 138—139). Daniel Schwartz divides Josephus’ “Jews” into two: he argues
                        that in his earliest work, War, οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι are Judeans, but later the
                        author shifts to a diasporan point of view and in Antiquities they are Jews,
                        by which Schwartz means that the Jewish law was not dependent on a place but
                        on the religion (Schwartz 2014, 61). Both of these arguments are partly
                        true: as stated, the semantic range of the word includes all of these
                        meanings and indeed, the conflict was not between the whole Judean
                        population and authorities but a smaller group, and Josephus’ aspect seems
                        to have changed during the decades between the two works. Religious
                        practises were in the centre of the conflict and thus calling οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι
                        Jews is justifiable, keeping in mind Schwartz’ argument about the change of
                        the meaning. </p>
                    <p> However, Schwartz points out that when speaking of the Alexandrian Jewry,
                        calling them Judeans would be misleading for here the geographical meaning
                        has fainted away – these people have lived in Egypt for centuries and they
                        are not Judeans but Jews (Schwartz 2014, 5). <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp=" http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+BJ+2.487+&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0147"
                                >BJ 2.487</ref></ref>: <ref type="lit"> Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἀεὶ
                            μὲν ἦν στάσις πρὸς τὸ Ἰουδαϊκὸν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἀφ᾽ οὗ χρησάμενος
                            προθυμοτάτοις κατὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων Ἰουδαίοις Ἀλέξανδρος γέρας τῆς
                            συμμαχίας ἔδωκεν τὸ μετοικεῖν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ ἴσου μοίρας πρὸς τοὺς
                            Ἕλληνας. </ref>
                        <ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+BJ+2.487+&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0148"
                            > (But for Alexandria</ref>, the sedition of the people of the place
                        against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander
                        [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against
                        the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal
                        privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves--) Here Josephus uses
                        both Ἰουδαῖος and Ἰουδαϊκός. In the first expression, πρὸς τὸ Ἰουδαϊκὸν, the
                        word is in neuter singular, and it could be translated as “the Jewry”. It
                        does not refer to any single person but to the group as a whole. In the next
                        expression we have Jews against <placeName key="Egypt">Egypt</placeName>,
                        κατὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων Ἰουδαίοις, where Ἰουδαῖος is used in masculine plural as
                        “Jews”, not the group but many individuals. </p>
                    <p> The next passage talks about Romans: <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0147%3Abook%3D2%3Asection%3D488"
                                >-- ἐπεί τε Ῥωμαῖοι κατεκτήσαντο τὴν Αἴγυπτον, οὔτε Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος
                                οὔτε τῶν μετ᾽ αὐτόν τις ὑπέμεινεν τὰς ἀπ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρου τιμὰς Ἰουδαίων
                                ἐλαττῶσαι.</ref>
                        </ref><ref type="lit">(BJ 2.488)</ref>
                        <ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+BJ+2.487+&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0148 "
                            >(when the Romans</ref> got possession of <placeName key="Egypt"
                            >Egypt</placeName>, neither the first Caesar, nor any one that came
                        after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on
                        the Jews.)The “honors of Jews” is expressed with Ἰουδαῖος in masculine
                        plural.</p>
                    <p> In Antiquities, the case of the <placeName key="Alexandria"
                            >Alexandrian</placeName> Jews is similar: they are Jews, not Judeans. In
                            <ref type="lit">AJ 19.278</ref> they are opposed to the Hellenes: <ref
                            type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145%3Abook%3D19%3Asection%3D278"
                                >Στασιάζεται δὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον Ἰουδαίων τὰ πρὸς Ἕλληνας ἐπὶ
                                τῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων πόλεως -- </ref></ref><ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+19&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146"
                            >(Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the
                            Greeks, at the city of Alexandria;)</ref>. The identity of the Jews is
                        further explained in <ref type="lit">AJ 19.281</ref>: <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145%3Abook%3D19%3Asection%3D281"
                                >-- τοὺς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ Ἰουδαίους Ἀλεξανδρεῖς λεγομένους -- </ref>
                        </ref><ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+19&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146"
                            >(-- the Jews of <placeName key="Alexandria">Alexandria</placeName>,
                            called Alexandrians--)</ref>. </p>
                    <p>At the beginning of War, Josephus mentions<ref type="lit"> ἅπαν τὸ ὑπὲρ
                            Εὐφράτην <w lemma="ὁμόφυλος"> ὁμόφυλον</w></ref> (all of their nation
                        which were beyond Euphrates) and τὸ ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ὁμόφυλον ἡμῖν (those of
                        our nation beyond Euphrates) (BJ 1.5 and 6). Like the Alexandrian Jewry,
                        these people do not live in Judea, yet they are described as something like
                        Ἰουδαῖοι – Jews. </p>
                    <p> Josephus only uses Ἰουδαϊκός a few times and he usually uses that adjective
                        to refer to things, Ἰουδαῖος being for people. However, as seen earlier with
                        “Jewry”, this distinction is not absolute. In <ref type="lit">AJ
                        12.34</ref>: <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+12.34&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145"
                                >--τὸ περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἰουδαϊκῶν βιβλίων ἀναγραφῆς δόγμα--</ref></ref>
                        <ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+12&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146"
                            >(in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish
                            books)</ref> the adjective Ἰουδαϊκός refers to books, not people.
                        Similarly in <ref type="lit">AJ 14.228</ref>: <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+14.228&amp;amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145"
                                >-- πολίτας Ῥωμαίων Ἰουδαίους ἱερὰ Ἰουδαϊκὰ ἔχοντας καὶ ποιοῦντας ἐν
                                Ἐφέσῳ πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα στρατείας ἀπέλυσα.</ref>
                        </ref>(I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of <placeName
                            key="Rome">Rome</placeName>, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and
                        yet live at <placeName key="Ephesus">Ephesus</placeName>, free from going
                        into the army, on account of the superstition they are under). We have
                        Ἰουδαῖος for people and Ἰουδαϊκός for rites. Notably these people live in
                        Ephesus, they are mentioned to be Romans and additionally they are Jewish,
                        which here means by religion. Also in <ref type="lit">AJ 14.230</ref>: <ref
                            type="lit"> Ἰουδαίους τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ --ὁ ὕπατος -- ἀπέλυσεν τῆς
                            στρατείας </ref><ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+12&amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146"
                            >(the consul</ref> freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the
                        armies) we have Jews in Asia.</p>
                    <p> Near the end of the <ref type="lit">Antiquities</ref>, Josephus refers to
                        the topic of <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+20.258&amp;amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145 "
                                >War</ref></ref>: <ref type="lit">περὶ τοῦ Ἰουδαϊκοῦ πολέμου βίβλοις
                            </ref><ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+20&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146"
                            >(books about the Jewish war) </ref><ref type="lit">(AJ 20.258)</ref>.
                        The context alone doesn’t reveal whether he means “war of Jewish people” or
                        “war of Jewish things/ideas”, but the earlier uses of Ἰουδαϊκός as the
                        thing-adjective would support the latter, or Ἰουδαϊκός could be understood
                        as “Jewry”.</p>
                    <p> Josephus also gives an etymological explanation for the word: <ref
                            type="lit">καὶ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι πρὸς τὸ ἔργον παρεσκευάζοντο. ἐκλήθησαν δὲ τὸ
                            ὄνομα ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡμέρας ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀνέβησαν ἐκ τῆς Ἰούδα φυλῆς, ἧς πρώτης
                            ἐλθούσης εἰς ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους αὐτοί τε καὶ ἡ χώρα τὴν προσηγορίαν
                            αὐτοῖς μετέλαβον </ref><ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+11&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0146 "
                            >(So the Jews </ref> prepared for the work: that is the name they are
                        called by from the day that they came up from Babylon, which is taken from
                        the tribe of Judah, which came first to these places, and thence both they
                        and the country gained that appellation)<ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=J.+AJ+11.173&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0145 "
                                >(AJ 11.173)</ref></ref>. This explanation heightens the
                        geographical meaning but does not exclude the religious one.</p>
                    <p> About other designations of the Jews, David Miller has counted that in the
                        first 11 books of Antiquities Josephus uses “Israelites” 186 times and
                        Ἰουδαῖος only 65 times. In the later books Ἰουδαῖος is used 582 times. Thus,
                        Miller concludes, the name of the people changed before or during the
                        Persian era (Miller 2010, 102).</p>
                    <p><persName type="attested" key="Tacitus"> Tacitus </persName>(56 – c. 120 CE) included the
                        events around 70 CE in Judea and <placeName key="Jerusalem"
                            >Jerusalem</placeName> to his Histories. In Hist. 5.1 he describes the
                        military situation speaking clearly of the region and its inhabitants, Judea
                        and Judeans: <ref type="lit">
                            <ref corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Tac.+Hist.+5&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0079">
                                perdomandae Iudaeae</ref></ref> (<ref
                            corresp="http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Tac.+Hist.+5&amp;fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0080">
                            the subjugation of Judæa</ref>), there were legions <ref type="lit">in
                            Iudaea </ref>(in Judea), and the Arabs had neighbourly hatred towards
                        them <ref type="lit">solito inter accolas odio infensa Iudaeis Arabum manus
                        </ref>(a strong contingent of Arabs, who hated the Jews with the usual
                        hatred of neighbours).</p>

                    <p>Tacitus’ theories of the origins of Judeans are remarkably distinct: <ref
                            type="lit">Hist. 5.2</ref>:</p> 
                    <quote>Iudaeos Creta insula profugos
                            novissima Libyae insedisse memorant, qua tempestate Saturnus vi Iovis
                            pulsus cesserit regnis. argumentum e nomine petitur: inclutum in Creta
                            Idam montem, accolas Idaeos aucto in barbarum cognomento Iudaeos
                            vocitari. quidam regnante Iside exundantem per Aegyptum multitudinem
                            ducibus Hierosolymo ac Iuda proximas in terras exoneratam; plerique
                            Aethiopum prolem, quos rege Cepheo metus atque odium mutare sedis
                            perpulerit. sunt qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum,
                            parte Aegypti potitos, mox proprias urbis Hebraeasque terras et propiora
                            Syriae coluisse. clara alii Iudaeorum initia, Solymos, carminibus Homeri
                            celebratam gentem, conditae urbi Hierosolyma nomen e suo
                            fecisse.</quote>
                        <p>(Some say that the Jews were fugitives from the island of Crete, who
                            settled on the nearest coast of Africa about the time when <persName
                                type="divine" key="Saturn"> Saturn</persName> was driven from his
                            throne by the power of <persName type="divine" key="Jupiter">
                                Jupiter</persName>. Evidence of this is sought in the name. There is
                            a famous mountain in <placeName key="Crete">Crete</placeName> called
                                <placeName key="Ida">Ida</placeName>; the neighbouring tribe, the
                            Idæi, came to be called Judæi by a barbarous lengthening of the national
                            name. Others assert that in the reign of Isis the overflowing population
                            of <placeName key="Egypt">Egypt</placeName>, led by Hierosolymus and
                            Judas, discharged itself into the neighbouring countries. Many, again,
                            say that they were a race of <placeName key="Ethiopia"
                                >Ethiopian</placeName> origin, who in the time of king Cepheus were
                            driven by fear and hatred of their neighbours to seek a new
                            dwelling-place. Others describe them as an <placeName key="Assyria"
                                >Assyrian</placeName> horde who, not having sufficient territory,
                            took possession of part of Egypt, and founded cities of their own in
                            what is called the Hebrew country, lying on the borders of Syria.
                            Others, again, assign a very distinguished origin to the Jews, alleging
                            that they were the Solymi, a nation celebrated in the poems of <persName type="attested"
                                key="Homer"> Homer</persName>, who called the city which they
                            founded Hierosolyma after their own name.)</p>
                        <p>The passage discusses the origins of the people dwelling in the area,
                            hence Judeans, not all Jews, of whom most lived in Diaspora in Tacitus’
                            days, without commenting any religious aspects. However, in 5.3 begins a lengthy
                            description of <persName type="attested" key="Moses">Moses</persName>
                            (Moyse) and the habits of the people, the focus shifting from geography
                            to traditions and religion. They make special <ref type="lit">panis
                                Iudaicus</ref> (Jewish bread), the adjective being the c-variant
                            (derived from the Greek κ-variant), in memory of their ancestors. Seems
                            that Tacitus is uncertain about the involment of gods to the practises,
                            i.e. the religiousness. He begins 5.4 saying: <ref type="lit">Moyses quo
                                sibi in posterum gentem firmaret, novos ritus contrariosque ceteris
                                mortalibus indidit</ref> (Moyses, wishing to secure for the future
                            his authority over the nation, gave them a novel form of worship,
                            opposed to all that is practised by other men) presenting the practises
                            as not having a divine source, but later he continues: <ref type="lit"
                                >alii honorem eum Saturno haberi </ref>(but others say that it is an
                            observance in honour of <persName type="divine" key="Saturn"
                                >Saturn</persName>). </p>
                        <p>Having discussed the origins of Judeans Tacitus moves to explain their
                            practises (<w lemma="mos">mores</w>), and here is a clear shift from
                            Judean to Jewish. The religion is not tied to a specific region but it
                            is universal, conversion also being possible, hence Jewish. 5.5 reads as
                            follows: <ref type="lit">transgressi in morem eorum idem usurpant, nec
                                quicquam prius imbuuntur quam contemnere deos, exuere patriam,
                                parentes liberos fratres vilia habere </ref>(Those who come over to
                            their religion adopt the practice, and have this lesson first instilled
                            into them, to despise all gods, to disown their country, and set at
                            nought parents, children, and brethren) and also <ref type="lit"
                                >Iudaeorum mos absurdus sordidusque </ref>(the Jewish religion is
                            tasteless and mean). He also describes their <rs type="belief"> ideas of
                                gods</rs>: <ref type="lit"> Iudaei mente sola unumque <w
                                    lemma="numen">numen</w> intellegunt </ref>(the Jews have purely
                            mental conceptions of Deity, as one in essence). In this religious
                            context Iudaei are Jews, not Judeans. In 5.6. he moves back to
                            geographical description of the land. </p> 
                        <p>In 5.8. Tacitus begins with
                        some geographical information of Judaea, then moves to go through the
                        Jewish/Judean history. The history focuses on the area, Judaea, but treats
                        the religious aspects as its inseparable part talking about the temple,
                        priests and also the Maccabian revolt: <ref type="lit">rex <persName type="ruler" key="Antiochus">Antiochus</persName> demere
                        superstitionem et mores Graecorum dare adnisus </ref>(King Antiochus strove to
                        destroy the national superstition, and to introduce Greek civilization).
                        Here Judeans and Jews are the same, which Tacitus explains: <ref type="lit">[reges]
                        superstitionem fovebant, quia honor sacerdotii firmamentum potentiae
                        adsumebatur</ref> (princes--fostered the national superstition by appropriating
                        the dignity of the priesthood as the support of their political power),
                        presenting the religious practises as a political instrument. Similarily in
                        5.9, going through the history of the region starting from the late
                        republic, the people are Iudaei and they also have certain religious ideas,
                        for example: <ref type="lit">Romanorum primus <persName type="attested" key="Pompeius">Cn. Pompeius</persName> Iudaeos domuit templumque iure
                        victoriae ingressus est </ref>(Cneius Pompeius was the first of our countrymen to
                        subdue the Jews. Availing himself of the right of conquest, he entered the
                        temple) and <ref type="lit">dein iussi a <persName type="ruler" key="Caligula"> C. Caesare</persName> effigiem eius in templo
                        locare arma potius sumpsere </ref>(But when the Jews were ordered by Caligula to
                        set up his statue in the temple, they preferred the alternative of war).</p>
                        
                        <p>Even though Tacitus describes some Jewish religious aspects, most of the
                        time his focus is on the region rather than the religion – the war is
                        between Romans and the inhabitants of the region, and the Diaspora is not
                        commented. Thus, I suggest that in Tacitus Iudaeus should be understood
                        primarily as Judean and only in some occurrences as Jewish. </p>
                        <p>In the case of
                        the Jewish War and the destruction of the Temple, the geographical, ethnical
                        and religious meanings of the Ἰουδαῖος word family are all employed, both by
                        Josephus and Tacitus. The events took place in a certain region, Judaea,
                        where the war was fought between the emperors’ Romans, an outsider group
                        governing the area, and οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, inhabitants of the region (i.e.
                        Judeans), who shared distinctive religious practises (i.e. Jews). The
                        quarrel that led to the war and the destruction of the Temple emphasize the
                        religious aspects of the conflict, yet it concerned only the locals, the
                        diasporan Jewry remaining spectators. For Tacitus the religious aspects
                        remain more questionable than for Josephus, who was a priest himself, but
                        even Tacitus in his scepticism could not overlook the religious features.
                        Hence, in the context of the First Jewish War, the meaning of
                        Ἰουδαῖος/Judaeus is notably diverse. </p>

                    <p> In the <ref type="lit">Gospels</ref> (1. cent. CE) the authors employ
                        Ἰουδαῖος vocabulary diversely; in <persName type="attested" key="Matthew">Matthew</persName>
                        and <persName type="attested" key="Luke">Luke</persName> it usually refers to the place,
                        <persName type="attested" key="Mark">Mark</persName> barely uses the word, whereas
                        <persName type="attested" key="John">John</persName> uses it a lot, both of people and
                        of the place. What all the Gospels have in common is the “king of the Jews”
                        -expression. <ref corresp="https://www.sacred-texts.com/bib/vul/joh.htm"
                                >Vulgata</ref> repeats the same uses with only
                        a few exceptions.</p>
                    <p> As for the place, for example <ref type="lit">Mat. 2:1</ref><ref type="lit"
                            >ἐν Βηθλέεμ τῆς Ἰουδαίας</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">in Bethlehem
                            Juda </ref>(in <placeName key="Betlehem">Betlehem</placeName> of
                            <placeName key="Judaea">Judaea/Judah</placeName>), 3:1 <ref type="lit"
                            >ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ τῆς Ἰουδαίας</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">in deserto
                            Judææ </ref>(in the wilderness of Judaea), 4:25 <ref type="lit">ἀπὸ τῆς
                            Γαλιλαίας καὶ Δεκαπόλεως καὶ Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ Ἰουδαίας καὶ πέραν τοῦ
                            Ἰορδάνου,</ref> Vulgata <ref type="lit">de Galilæa, et Decapoli, et de
                            Jerosolymis, et de Judæa, et de trans Jordanem</ref> (from <placeName
                            key="Galilee">Galilee</placeName>, and from <placeName key="Decapolis"
                            >Decapolis</placeName>, and from <placeName key="Jerusalem"
                            >Jerusalem</placeName>, and from <placeName key="Judaea"
                            >Judaea</placeName>, and from <placeName key="Transjordan">beyond
                            Jordan</placeName>.), <ref type="lit">Luk. 4:44</ref>
                        <ref type="lit">εἰς τὰς συναγωγὰς τῆς Ἰουδαίας </ref>(to the synagogues of
                        Judaea), but Vulgata <ref type="lit">in synagogis Galilææ</ref> (in
                        synagogues of Galilee), 1:65 <ref type="lit">ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ ὀρεινῇ τῆς Ἰουδαίας,
                        </ref>Vulgata <ref type="lit">super omnia montana Judææ </ref>(in all the
                        mountain country of Judaea), 21:21<ref type="lit"> οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ,</ref>
                            Vulgata<ref type="lit"> qui in Judæa</ref> (the people in Judaea). Luke
                        also uses the other place name: <ref type="lit">εἰς πόλιν Ἰούδα,</ref>
                        Vulgata <ref type="lit">in civitatem Juda</ref> (to a city of Judah) (1:39).
                        John calls the place both with the noun alone and the adjective: <ref
                            type="lit">3:22</ref>
                        <ref type="lit">εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν γῆν</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">in
                            terram Judæam </ref>(to the land of Judea), 11:7 <ref type="lit">εἰς τὴν
                            Ἰουδαίαν</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">in Judæam</ref> (to Judaea). In
                            <ref type="lit">Joh. 7:1</ref> we have both the place and the people
                        living there: <ref type="lit">Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα περιεπάτει <persName
                                type="divine" key="Jesus">ὁ Ἰησοῦς</persName> ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ· οὐ γὰρ
                            ἤθελεν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ περιπατεῖν, ὅτι ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι
                            ἀποκτεῖναι, </ref>Vulgata <ref type="lit">Post hæc autem ambulabat Jesus
                            in <placeName key="Galilee">Galilæam</placeName>: non enim volebat in
                            Judæam ambulare, quia quærebant eum Judæi interficere </ref>(and after
                        that Jesus walked in Galilee, for he would not walk in Judaea, because οἱ
                        Ἰουδαῖοι/ Judæi seeked to kill him). This highly geographical context would
                        support the geographical meaning, Judeans, but the motive to kill is
                        religious, hence Jews is justifiable as well. Both parts of the double
                        meaning are employed. In Vulgata, the place name is usually the same as in
                        Greek, Iudaea being the most common one.</p>
                    <p> As for <persName type="divine" key="Jesus">the King of the Jews</persName>
                        (βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων / rex Judæorum), in <ref type="lit">Mat. 2:2</ref>
                        and 27:11, 29, 37 outsiders whose religious affiliations remain unclear call
                        Jesus by that name, whereas in 27:42 the term used by high priests is <ref
                            type="lit"> βασιλεὺς <placeName key="Israel">Ἰσραήλ</placeName></ref>,
                        Vulgata <ref type="lit">rex Israël</ref> (king of Israel), similarly in <ref
                            type="lit">Mark: 15:2, 9, 12, 26</ref> and high priests 32. Luke only
                        gives the name used by outsiders (<ref type="lit">Luk. 23:3, 37, 38</ref>).
                        In John a Jew, Nathanael, says to Jesus: <ref type="lit">σὺ βασιλεὺς εἶ τοῦ
                                <placeName key="Israel">Ἰσραήλ</placeName></ref>, Vulgata <ref
                            type="lit">tu es rex Israël</ref> (1:49) using the insider’s title.
                        Similarly, the crowd on the way to Jerusalem (12:13). John also repeats the
                        king of the Jews -title in the crucifixion (18:39, 19:3, 19, 21). Notably
                        <persName type="attested" key="Herod">Herod’s</persName> title employs the place name:
                            <ref type="lit">ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἡρῴδου βασιλέως τῆς Ἰουδαίας</ref>,
                        Vulgata <ref type="lit">in diebus Herodis, regis Judææ</ref> (in the days of
                        Herod king of Judaea) (Luk. 1:5), like does <persName type="attested" key="Pontius_Pilatus"
                            >Pilatus’</persName>: <ref type="lit">ἡγεμονεύοντος Ποντίου Πιλάτου τῆς
                            Ἰουδαίαςa</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">procurante Pontio Pilato
                            Judæam</ref> (when Pontius Pilatus ruled Judaea) (Luk. 3:1).</p>
                    <p> As for the people (Ἰουδαῖοι / Iudaei), the only time Matthew talks about
                        Jews is in 28:15: <ref type="lit">διεφημίσθη ὁ λόγος οὗτος παρὰ
                            Ἰουδαίοις</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">Et divulgatum est verbum istud
                            apud Judæos </ref>(this saying is commonly reported among the Jews).
                        Since the context is religious Ἰουδαῖοι/Iudaei could be understood primarily
                        as a religious expression, for the people behind the lie of the soldiers are
                        the high priests their motive being religious. Describing a Joseph, Luke
                        mentions a city of Judeans, <placeName key="Arimathaea"
                            >Arimathaea</placeName>: <ref type="lit">ἀπὸ Ἁριμαθαίας πόλεως τῶν
                            Ἰουδαίων</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">ab Arimathæa civitate
                            Judææ</ref> (23:51). By the way Joseph is described this designation
                        might have a religious meaning, but the city was located in Judaea and hence
                        the meaning is rather geographical, a city of Judeans. John uses the word
                        often in the religious meaning, Jews, for example 1:19 <ref type="lit">οἱ
                            Ἰουδαῖοι ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">Judæi ab
                            Jerosolymis</ref> (Jews of <placeName key="Jerusalem"
                            >Jerusalem</placeName>), the context mentioning priests and Levites
                        supports the religious meaning, 2:6 <ref type="lit">κατὰ τὸν καθαρισμὸν τῶν
                            Ἰουδαίων</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">purificationem Judæorum</ref>
                        (the purifying of the Jews), 3:1 <ref type="lit">ἄρχων τῶν Ἰουδαίων</ref>,
                        Vulgata <ref type="lit">princeps Judæorum </ref>(ruler of the Jews),
                            8:31<ref type="lit"> πρὸς τοὺς πεπιστευκότας αὐτῷ Ἰουδαίους,</ref>
                        Vulgata <ref type="lit">ad eos, qui crediderunt ei, Judæos </ref>(to those
                        Jews which believed on him), 11:55 <ref type="lit">τὸ πάσχα τῶν
                            Ἰουδαίων</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit"><rs type="practice">Pascha</rs> Judæorum</ref> (the
                        Passover of the Jews), 19:21<ref type="lit"> οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς τῶν
                        Ἰουδαίων</ref>, Vulgata <ref type="lit">pontifices Judæorum</ref> (the high
                        priests of the Jews). </p>
                    <p> Describing <placeName key="Palestine">Palestine</placeName>, <ref type="lit"
                        ><persName type="attested" key="Cassius Dio">Cassius Dio</persName></ref> (c. 150–
                        235 CE) says:<quote> Ταῦτα μὲν τότε ἐν τῇ <placeName key="Palestine"
                                >Παλαιστίνῃ</placeName> ἐγένετο· οὕτω γὰρ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος, ὅσον ἀπὸ
                            τῆς Φοινίκης μέχρι τῆς <placeName key="Egypt">Αἰγύπτου</placeName> παρὰ
                            τὴν θάλασσαν τὴν ἔσω παρήκει, ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ κέκληται. ἔχουσι δὲ καὶ ἕτερον
                            ὄνομα ἐπίκτητον· ἥ τε γὰρ χώρα Ἰουδαία καὶ αὐτοὶ Ἰουδαῖοι ὠνομάδαται· ἡ
                            δὲ ἐπίκλησις αὕτη ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐκ οἶδ᾿ ὅθεν ἤρξατο γενέσθαι, φέρει δὲ
                            καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους ὅσοι τὰ νόμιμα αὐτῶν, καίπερ ἀλλοεθνεῖς
                            ὄντες, ζηλοῦσι. καὶ ἔστι καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὸ γένος τοῦτο,
                            κολουσθὲν μὲν πολλάκις, αὐξηθὲν δὲ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, ὥστε καὶ ἐς παρρησία
                            τῆς νομίσεως ἐκνικῆσαι. κεχωρίδαται δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔς τε
                            τἆλλα τὰ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν πάνθ᾿ ὡς εἰπεῖν, καὶ μάλισθ᾿ ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἄλλων
                            θεῶν οὐδένα τιμῶσιν, ἕνα δέ τινα ἰσχυρῶς σέβουσιν. οὐδ᾿ ἄγαλμα οὐδὲν
                            οὐδ᾿ ἐν αὐτοῖς ποτε <placeName key="Jerusalem">τοῖς
                                Ἱεροσολύμοις</placeName> ἔσχον, ἄρρητον δὲ δὴ καὶ ἀειδῆ αὐτὸν
                            νομίζοντες εἶναι περισσότατα ἀνθρώπων 3θρησκεύουσι. καὶ αὐτῷ νεών τε
                            μέγιστον καὶ περικαλλέστατον, πλὴν καθ᾿ ὅσον ἀχανής τε καὶ ἀνώροφος ἦν,
                            ἐξεποίησαν, καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν τοῦ Κρόνου καλουμένην ἀνέθεσαν, καὶ ἄλλα
                            τε ἐν αὐτῇ ἰδιαίτατα πολλὰ1 ποιοῦσι, καὶ ἔργου οὐδενὸς σπουδαίου
                            προσάπτονται.</quote>
                    </p>
                    <p> (This was the course of events at that time in Palestine; for this is the
                        name that has been given from of old to the whole country extending from
                        Phoenicia to Egypt along the inner sea. They have also another name that
                        they have acquired: the country has been named Judaea, and the people
                        themselves Jews. I do not know how this title came to be given to them, but
                        it applies also to all the rest of mankind, although of alien race, who
                        affect their customs. This class exists even among the Romans, and though
                        often repressed has increased to a very great extent and has won its way to
                        the right of freedom in its observances. They are distinguished from the
                        rest of mankind in practically every detail of life, and especially by the
                        fact that they do not honour any of the usual gods but show extreme
                        reverence for one particular divinity. They never had any statue of him even
                        in Jerusalem itself, but believing him to be unnamable and invisible, they
                        worship him in the most extravagant fashion on earth. They built to him a
                        temple that was extremely large and beautiful, except in so far as it was
                        open and roofless, and likewise dedicated to him the day called the day of
                        Saturn, on which, among many other most peculiar observances, they undertake
                        no serious occupation.) (37.16.5 – 17.3.) (Loeb Cassius Dio, Roman History,
                        Volume III: Books 36-40, p. 126, 128. <ref
                            corresp="https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/37*.html"
                            > Open access</ref>). </p>
                    <p> On one hand, Cassius Dio’s description is highly geographical explaining the
                        territory of <placeName key="Judaea">Judea</placeName>, which he names
                        Ἰουδαία. This way also Ἰουδαῖοι are strongly connected to the land. In the
                        other hand, he continues explaining the universal nature of Jewishness and
                        describing religious practises, which gives Ἰουδαῖοι the meaning “Jews”.
                        This way the author explains the double meaning of the word, Judean and
                        Jewish.</p>
                    <p>
                        <persName type="attested" key="Tertullian">Tertullian</persName> (c. 155 AD – c. 220 AD) in
                        his <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="https://www.tertullian.org/latin/apologeticum_becker.htm"
                                >Apologeticum</ref></ref> speaks about the Jewish origins of
                        Christianity. In this religious context Iudaeus is always Jewish as a
                        contrast to Christian or Roman. He uses iudaicus for things:<ref type="lit">
                            -- in quo videtur thesaurus collocatus totius Iudaici sacramenti et inde
                            iam nostri </ref><ref
                            corresp="https://www.tertullian.org/articles/mayor_apologeticum/mayor_apologeticum_07translation.htm"
                            >(in which the treasure of the whole Jewish religion, and hence of ours
                            also)</ref> (19.2) and <ref type="lit">a Iudaico more</ref> (from the
                        Jewish custom) (16.11). As for <persName type="attested" key="Josephus">Josephus</persName>,
                        a person, he uses the other adjective: <ref type="lit">Iudaeus
                            Iosephus</ref> (the Jew Josephus) (19.6). He also employs the Ἰουδαῖος
                        in plural genitive, “of Jews”: antiquissimis Iudaeorum instrumentis (by most
                        ancient Jewish documents) (21.1). The region Tertullian calls <placeName
                            key="Judaea">Iudaea</placeName>: <ref type="lit"> apud <placeName
                                key="Galilee">Galilaeam</placeName>, Iudaeae regionem </ref>(in
                        Galilee, a district of Judea) (21.23). He also mentions <placeName
                            key="Palestine">Palestine</placeName>: <ref type="lit">Nondum Iudaeum ab
                            Aegypto examen Palaestina susceperat </ref>(Palestine had not yet
                        received its Jewish swarm from <placeName key="Egypt">Egypt</placeName>)
                        (40.7) and here the people adjective Iudaeus is used of examen. See also <w
                            lemma="Ἑβραῖος">Ἑβραῖος</w>.</p>
                    <p> For <persName type="attested" key="John Chrysostom">John Chrysostom</persName> (c. 347 – 407
                        CE) as well, in his <ref type="lit"><ref
                                corresp="https://greekdownloads3.files.wordpress.com/2014/08/adversus-judaeos.pdf "
                                >Adversus Judaeos</ref></ref>, Ἰουδαῖοι and gentile are “the others”
                        as a contrary to Christians, and the use is purely religious (Sandwell 2007,
                        64, 87). In Chrysostom’s works religion is the central feature of one’s
                        identity in an exclusive way (Sandwell 2007, 152), hence being both Greek
                        and Jewish was not possible. The distinctive feature of the Ἰουδαῖοι was
                        their religious beliefs and practises which partly overlapped but critically
                        differed from Christian (Sandwell 2007, 85). He speaks about their practises
                        and beliefs systematically using Ἰουδαῖος of people and Ἰουδαϊκός of things,
                        for example 1.5: <ref type="lit">τοὺς δὲ τὰ Ἰουδαϊκὰ νοσοῦντας</ref>
                        <ref
                            corresp="https://www.tertullian.org/fathers/chrysostom_adversus_judaeos_01_homily1.htm"
                            >(those who are sick with the Judaizing disease)</ref> and <ref
                            type="lit">αἱ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἑορταὶ </ref>(the Jewish festivals). 3.1:<ref
                            type="lit"> Οἶδα ὅτι πολλοὶ αἰδοῦνται Ἰουδαίους, καὶ σεμνὴν νομίζουσιν
                            εἶναι τὴν ἐκείνων πολιτείαν νῦν </ref>(Many, I know, respect the Jews
                        and think that their present way of life is a venerable one). 3.2: <ref
                            type="lit">Οὐδεὶς Ἰουδαῖος προσκυνεῖ τὸν Θεόν</ref> (no Jew adores God).
                        In 6.1 he mentions both Jews and Judea when speaking of the <ref type="lit"
                            >Septuagint</ref>: <ref type="lit">Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλάδελφος τὰς
                            πανταχόθεν βίβλους συναγαγὼν, καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι καὶ παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις εἰσὶ
                            γραφαὶ περὶ Θεοῦ φιλοσοφοῦσαι, καὶ πολιτείας ἀρίστης, μεταπεμψάμενος
                            ἄνδρας ἐκ τῆς Ἰουδαίας--</ref> (Ptolemy Philadelphus had collected books
                        from all over the world. When he learned that the Jews had writings which
                        treated of <persName type="divine" key="God">God</persName> and the ideal
                        state, he sent for men from Judea--). 6.5: <ref type="lit">σεμνὰ καὶ μεγάλα
                            τὰ Ἰουδαίων </ref>(the ceremonies of Jews). 8.1: <ref type="lit">ἄλλο τι
                            μικρὸν ἢ μέγα Ἰουδαϊκὸν ἔθος</ref> (any other Jewish ritual great or
                        small). See also <w lemma="Ἑβραῖος">Ἑβραῖος</w>.</p>
                </div>
            </div>

            <div type="edition" xml:lang="en">
                <div type="textpart" n="catalogue of occurrences">
                    <head>Catalogue of occurrences</head>
                    <p><emph rend="italics">Inscriptions</emph></p>

                    <p><ref type="ins">CIJ 296</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins">CIL V 4221</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins">I.J.Afr. 71</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins">IJudO I Ach 40, 42-45, Pan 3, 4, Dal 2, 3, BS 5—7,
                        9</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins">IJudO II 40, 157 </ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins"> JIGRE 22, 24, 25, 27, 117</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins">JIWE I 188</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="ins">JIWE II 18, 233, 567</ref></p>


                    <p><emph rend="italics">Papyri</emph></p>
                    <p><ref type="pap">CPJ I 8, 9, 18, 19, 38, 417</ref></p>


                    <p><emph rend="italics">Literary sources</emph></p>

                    <p><ref type="lit">Cassius Dio 37.16.5-17.3</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="lit">Cicero Pro Flac. 28.67-68</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="lit">Gospel of Matthew 2:1, 2; 3:1; 4:25; 27:11, 29, 37, 42;
                            28:15</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="lit">Gospel of Mark 15:2, 9, 12, 26, 32</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="lit">Gospel of Luke 1:5, 39, 65; 3:1, 22; 4:44; 11:7; 21:21; 23:3,
                            51</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="lit">Gospel of John 1:19, 49; 2:6; 3:1; 7:1; 8:31; 11:55 12:13;
                            18:39; 19:3, 19, 21</ref></p>
                    <p><ref type="lit"> John Chrysostom Adv. Jud. 1.5; 3.1; 3.2; 6.1, 5;
                        8.1</ref></p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit"> Josephus AJ 11.173; 12.34; 13.395; 14.228, 230; 19.278,
                            281; 20.258; BJ 2.487, 488</ref></p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit"> 1st Maccabees 1:11, 15, 29, 30, 43, 44; 2:23, 42; 4:2; 5:2;
                            7:5; 8:20; 12:3, 6; 13:42; 14:47</ref></p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit">2nd Maccabees 2:21; 12:3, 8; 8:1, 9, 10, 36; 13:21,
                        18</ref></p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit">Philo Flac. 1; 47; 55; 73; Mos. 1.1; 7; Virt. 108;
                        212</ref></p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit"> Strabo 16.2.2, 28</ref></p>
                    <p>
                        <ref type="lit"> Tertullian Apol. 19.2; 16.11; 19.6; 21.1, 23;
                        40.7</ref></p>

                </div>
            </div>

            <div type="edition" xml:lang="en">
                <div type="textpart" n="discussion / interpretation">
                    <head>Discussion / interpretation</head>
                    <p>Originally the word group refers to the tribe and kingdom of <placeName
                            key="Judaea">Judah</placeName>, but in Antiquity it has already got a
                        second meaning, that refers to the religious phenomenon, Judaism or
                        Jewishness. The double meaning remains in use throughout Antiquity, both in
                        Greek and Latin, and with the rise of Christianity the religious meaning
                        gains weight. Authors use the words differently and the exact meaning must
                        be derived from the context. David Miller points out that for ancient people
                        the ambiguity of the word was not as problematic as it is these days, for
                        they did not have the same conceptual boundaries and they understood the
                        concept, being able to read the context, but it was not clear what semantic
                        distinctions they made (Miller 2010, 99, 119). However, the distinction
                        between Jews and Judeans did exist in Antiquity, too, for there were
                        conflicts between the authorities and (at least some) Jews, not the whole
                        population of Judea. David Schwartz suggests that the division Jew – Judean,
                        i.e., Diasporan – Judean, describes the extremities of the semantic range,
                        but the real life is more complex and variegated and usually the meaning is
                        something in between (Schwartz 2014, 83—84). David Miller emphasizes the
                        ethnic meaning of the word: it is not only geographical, but describes
                        people with a common background, cultural and religious ideas (Miller 2010,
                        112, 122). On the other hand, David Schwartz finds the ethnic meaning
                        problematic, for even though it adds the idea of descendance to the
                        geographical meaning, it does not include proselytes (Schwartz 2014, 5—6).
                        If the geographical meaning is chosen for the context, the religious
                        diversity of Judeans should be kept in mind.</p>
                    <p>The original geographical meaning loses some ground for texts that date after
                        the end of the 2nd century CE, for the name of the province was changed to
                        Syria Palestine (Williams 1997, 251). This could apply to official
                        documents, but in everyday language the name Judea, which was used for
                        centuries, may have persisted, which means that for example in graves the
                        religious meaning should not be taken for granted. However, Williams argues
                        that there was “no hard epigraphic evidence” for the geographical meaning in
                        any times and that the religious meaning was the most central one, even
                        though other meanings appear as well (Williams 1997, 252—253, 257). Schwartz
                        agrees and parallels the situation with that of Hellenism: since Hellenistic
                        times Hellenism did not require a person to be born in Greece, and similarly
                        Judaism did not require descendance from Judah, but was instead religious and
                        cultural, something other than Hellenism (Schwartz 2014, 8).</p>
                    <p>As for different contexts, Williams identifies two uses: in a Jewish context
                        the use of the word is rare, but when it is used, the meaning is laudatory –
                        Jewishness is a quality cherished. In a non-Jewish context the word is used
                        to make difference between Jews and non-Jews (Williams 1997, 254—255). </p>
                    <p>In military context the meaning reflects mainly the structure of the army and
                        only secondarily has an ethic nuance. As for taxation, in Ptolemaic
                            <placeName key="Egypt">Egypt</placeName> Jews were part of the
                        privileged Hellenes till the end of the 3rd cent. BCE, when they were
                        divided under their own category, οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, their status likely remaining
                        the same despite the change (Clarysse, Thompson 2006, 147—148). The question
                        is, how was that group defined and what kind of relationship did it have
                        with Jews as a religious group. In Roman times, after the destruction of the Temple, 
                        Jews paid the Jewish tax, and in this case the religious meaning is emphasized.</p>
                    <p>The problem is, how to specify the meaning of the term in a faint context, especially in one 
                        where the religious meaning would challenge our understanding of Judaism. Even though the term
                        is indeed sometimes used in a geographical meaning, even then it is closely related 
                        to the religious one. In a religiously surprising occasion, there might be temptation
                        to call it ethnic rather than religious, for not all Judeans were representatives of Judaism 
                        and Judaism as a religion is more strictly defined than the ethnic meaning. Unfortunately, 
                        the ancient vocabulary does not allow very nuanced differentiation – and this is what I would 
                        like to emphasize. The people were the same, stuffed all under the same umbrella term, no matter
                        if they were inhabitants of Judea, offspring of Jacob or followers of the religious practises who 
                        shared at least to some extent similar theological ideas. A person called Ἰουδαῖος did not have to 
                        be “a good Jew”, they were still a Jew, a member of this diverse group. I suggest we take these
                        people, accept their diversity attempting to understand it rather than exclude those who do not fit
                        into a frame of Judaism, basing our understanding of Judaism of the day on these people, the Jews. 
                        What I wish to say is, that any Ἰουδαῖος is as Jewish as anyone, a practiser of Judaism, a phenomenon 
                        deeply rooted to Judea whose branches grew so long that some of its flowers blossomed very far away. </p>
                       <p> There are two exceptions, which have already been risen in this paper. In the cases of Hellenistic
                           armies and taxation, Ἰουδαῖος is a technical term, a status given by local authorities, the basis of 
                           the decision remaining highly unclear. In these contexts I would like to suggest high caution.  
                    </p>
                    
                    <p>For the difference between Ἰουδαῖος and Ἑβραῖος, see <ref
                            corresp="lexicon_Ebraios">Ἑβραῖος</ref>.</p>
                </div>
            </div>

            <div type="bibliography">
                
                <p><hi rend="italic">Corpora:</hi></p>
                    <p>
                        <title>CIL V</title> ”Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum V: Inscriptiones
                        Galliae Cisalpinae Latinae. Pars I: Inscriptiones regionis Italiae decimae”,
                        ed. T. Mommsen, Berolini: apud G. Reimerum 1872.</p>
                    <p><title> CIJ</title> ”Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum vol. I Europe”, B.
                        Jean-Baptiste Frey, Ktav publishing house, 1975.</p>
                    <p><title>C. P. Jud. I</title> "Corpus papyrorum Judaicorum", eds.Tcherikover,
                        Avigdor, Fuks, Alexander, Stern, Menahem, Magnes Press, Hebrew University by
                        Harvard University Press, 1957.</p>
                    <p>
                        <title>I.J.Afr.</title> ”Inscriptions juives et judaïsantes de l’Afrique
                        Romaine”, ed. Y. le Bohec, Antiquités africaines, 1981.</p>
                    <p>
                        <title>IJudO I</title> ”Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis I: Eastern Europe”,
                        eds. D. Noy, A. Panayotov, H. Bloedhorn, Texts and Studies in Ancient
                        Judaism 101, Mohr Siebeck, 2004. </p>
                    <p><title>IJudO II</title> ”Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II: Kleinasien”, ed.
                        W. Ameling, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 99, Mohr Siebeck, 2004.</p>
                    <p><title>JIGRE</title> ”Jewish Inscriptions of the Graeco-Roman Egypt”, eds. W.
                        Horbury, D. Noy, Cambridge University Press, 1992.</p>
                    <p><title>JIWE I</title> ”Jewish inscriptions of Western Europe I: Italy
                        (excluding the City of Rome), Spain and Gaul”, ed. D. Noy, Cambridge
                        University Press, 1993.</p>
                    <p><title>JIWE II</title> ”Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe II: the city of
                        Rome”, ed. D. Noy, Cambridge University Press, 1995.</p>
            <p><hi rend="italic">Studies:</hi></p>
                    <p>Bauer 1988<title> “Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament”,</title> Walter Bauer, de
                        Gruyter, 1988.</p>
                    <p> Cohen 1999 ”<title>The beginnings of jewishness. Boundaries, Varieties,
                            Uncertainties”</title>, Shaye J.D. Cohen, University of California
                        Press, 1999.</p>
                    <p>Clarysse, Thompson 2006<title> ”Counting the People in Hellenistic Egypt,
                            volume 2. Historical Studies”,</title> W. Clarysse, Dorothy J. Thompson,
                        Cambridge University Press, 2006.</p>
                    <p>Ernout, Meillet 1959 <title>“Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue Latine.
                            Histoire des mots”</title>, A. Ernout, A. Meillet, quatrieme edition,
                        Librairie C. Klingksieck, 1959.</p>
                    <p>Gibson 1991 <title>”The Jewish Manumission Inscriptions of the Bosporus
                            Kingdom”</title>, E. Leigh Gibson, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism
                        75, Mohr Siebeck 1991.</p>
                    <p>Gruen 2016 <title>”Constructs of Identity in Hellenistic Judaism. Essays on
                            Early Jewish Literature and History”</title>, Erich S. Gruen, de
                        Gruyter, 2016.</p>
                    <p>Hopkins 1978 <title>”Conquerors and Slaves”</title>, K. Hopkins, Sociological
                        studies in Roman history, vol. 1, Cambridge University Press, 1978.</p>
                    <p> Kraabel 1982<title> ”The Roman Diaspora: six questionable
                            assumptions”</title>, A. T. Kraabel, JJS 33, 1982.</p>
                    <p>Kraemer 1989 <title>”On the meaning of the term ”Jew”</title> in Graeco-Roman
                        inscriptions”, R. S. Kraemer, HTR vol. 82 no. 1, 1989.</p>
                    <p>Leipziger 2021 <title>”Lesepraktiken im Antiken Judentum. Rezeptionsakte,
                            Materialität und Schriftgebrauch”</title>, J. Leipziger, De Gruyter,
                        2021.</p>
                    <p>Liljeqvist 2010 <title>“Vanhan testamentin heprean ja aramean
                            sanakirja”</title>, Matti Liljeqvist, Finn Lectura, 2010.</p>
                    <p>Maltby 1991 <title> “A lexicon of ancient Latin etymologies”,</title> Maltby,
                        Francis Cairns publications, 1991.</p>
                    <p>Miller 2010 <title>“The Meaning of Ioudaios and its Relationship to Other
                            Group Labels in Ancient ‘Judaism’”,</title> David M. Miller, Currents in
                        Biblical Research, September 2010, Sage 2010.</p>
                    <p> Panayotov 2004 <title>”The jews in the Balkan provinces of the Roman empire:
                            an epigraphic and archaeological survey”</title>, A. Panayotov, diss.
                        University of St Andrews, 2004.</p>
                    <p>Rajak 2001<title> ”Ethnic Identities in Josephus”</title>, T. Rajak, The
                        Jewish Dialogue with Greece and Rome: Studies in Cultural and Social
                        Interaction, ed. T. Rajak, Brill, 2001.</p>
                    <p>Renberg 2016 ”<title>Where Dreams May Come. Incubation Sanctuaries in the
                            Greco-Roman World.”</title>, vol. 1, Gil H. Renberg, Brill, 2016.</p>
                    <p>Sandwell 2007<title> “Religious Identity in Late Antiquity : Greeks, Jews and
                            Christians in Antioch”</title>, Isabella Sandwell, Cambridge University
                        Press, 2007.</p>
                    <p>Schwartz 2014 <title>“Judeans and Jews: four faces of dichotomy in ancient
                            Jewish history”</title>, Daniel R. Schwartz, University of Toronto
                        Press, 2014.</p>
                    <p>Schürer 1973 <title>”The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus
                            Christ (175 B.C. – A.D. 138), vol. III”</title>, E. Schürer, revised and
                        edited by G. Vermes, F. Millar, M. Goodman, T.and T. Clark LTD, 1973.</p>
                    <p>Solin 1983 <title>”Juden und Syrer im westlichen Teil der römischen Welt.
                            Eine ethnisch-demographische Studie mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der
                            sprachlichen Zustände”</title>, H. Solin, ANRW II.29.2, 1983.</p>
                    <p>Van der Horst 1991 <title>”Ancient Jewish Epitaphs. An introductory survey of
                            a millennium of Jewish funerary epigraphy (300 BCE – 700 CE)”,</title>
                        Pieter W. van der Horst, Kok Pharos Publishing House, 1991.</p>
                    <p>Williams 1997 <title>“The Meaning and Function of Ioudaios in Graeco-Roman
                            Inscriptions”</title>, Margaret H. Williams, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie
                        und Epigraphik, Bd. 116 (1997), published by: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.</p>
            </div>
        </body>
    </text>
</TEI>
