Morphology

Ἑβραῖος ➚ -α -ον adj. Hebrew, lat. Hebraeus ➚ -a -um

Ἑβραϊκός -ή -όν adj. Hebrew, lat. Hebraecus -a -um

Etymology

The Hebrew noun עִבְרִי‎ (ʿiḇrī́) originally refers to the area west of Euphrates and its people as an opposite to the Canaanites, i.e. the Israelites, which is the name these people usually applied to themselves. Gesenius explains that “Hebrew” is used when speaking of nations or foreigners, while “Israelite” is the insider’s name for the same people (Gesenius ➚ 1846, p. 604).

The Greek word Ἑβραῖος is loaned from the Hebrew עִבְרִי‎ (ʿiḇrī́) or the Aramaic עִבְרַי‎ (ʿiḇray), appearing since Hellenistic times. The more common use of Aramaic before Alexander’s conquest and also the /ai/ element of the Aramaic word support that the loan was made from Aramaic. However, the Hebrew and Aramaic words are very close to each other. In Greek, there is also an κ-variant Ἑβραϊκός. The Latin Hebraeus is loaned from Greek and used only after classical times, like the c-variant Hebraecus. There is also a rare verb, Ἑβραΐζω and an adverb Ἑβραϊστί, Lat. Hebraice, which refer to the Hebrew language.

Testimonies

Being derived from a region and a language, originally the term may have referred to knowing Hebrew, but hardly in Antiquity, when it seems to have meant “Jew” or “Jewish”, like Ἰουδαῖος ➚ (Solin 1983, 650—651), also having a geographical meaning (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6). Notably, during Antiquity the use and knowledge of Hebrew was low, yet the term Ἑβραῖος being used fairly often. As for the geographical meaning, Hebrew was never an official name of a region or a province, Judah or Judaea, later Palaestina, being used instead.

Inscriptions

In inscriptions the term is used to describe synagogues, seats, people and titles. In the inscription IJudO I Ach 47 from Corinth, late 3rd cent. CE, the whole text reads: συναγωηὴ Ἑβραίων. Here it seems that the term ”Hebrews” is used to make difference between Jews amongst themselves (IJudO I, p. 183). Additionally, the term ”synagogue” was not exclusively Jewish, and hence the attribute Jewish or Hebrew (Ἰουδαῖος or Ἑβραῖος) might be used to distinguish Jewish synagogues from the gentile ones (Solin 1989, 234). In Golgoi, Cyprus, a synagogue is descibed as τῆς Ἑβραïκῆς (IJudO IIICyp 3, 4. cent. CE) using the κ-variant in feminine, which might refer to the Hebrew community as a whole, as the Hebrew Jewry. Usually the κ-variants are used of things, but in the case of Ἰουδαῖος it could be interpreted as ”Jewry”, the collective of people being understood as a thing. The Hebrew synagogue is mentioned also in Rome: the father of the deceased was πατρὸς συναγωγῆς Αἱβρέων (JIWE II 578, unknown provenance, 3.—4. cent. CE).

In the odeion of Afrodisias, Caria, there were two seats for Hebrews: τόπος Ἑβρέων (IJudO II 15, 5th –6th century CE) and τόπος Βενέτων Ἑβρήων τῶν παλειῶν (IJudO II 16, 5th –6th century CE). Here the term Ἑβραῖος might refer to the religion as a whole without subdividing Jews, for no Ἰουδαῖος is mentioned in the area.

In Cilicia, Asia Minor, there is a grave where the deceased Moses is ἑβρε͂ος (IJudO II 240, date unclear, but probably before 4th cent. CE), whereas all the other people buried are described as Ἰουδαῖος. This could indicate subdivision amongst Jews, be the defining factor origin, language or religious orientation. Also in Sardis, there are lots of Jewish inscriptions and in only one a person is mentioned to be a Hebrew (IJudO II 54, 4. cent. CE). In these cases, most of the Jewish population seems to have been Ἰουδαῖοι, the Ἑβραῖοι being a minority group instead of all Jews in general. In Seleukeia (Seleukeia pros Kalykadno, Cilicia), the adjective Ἰουδαῖος is not common in inscriptions, but there was a shared burial of ἑβρέων (IJudO II 244, before 4th cent. CE). In this case it remains very unclear whether the Hebrews were all the Jews or only some of them. Similarily, in addition to the Hebrew synagogue mentioned above, in Rome a title of one deceased is ἐξάρχων τῶν Ἑβρέων (JIWE II 2, 3—4th cent. CE, Monteverde) and another burial has a dating with ἄρχ(οντος) Ἑβρέων (JIWE II 33, 3—4th cent. CE, Monteverde). In Naples, three deceased are described as ebreus: Numerius ebreus (JIWE I 33, 5th cent. CE), Criscentia filia Pascasi ebrea virgo (JIWE I 35, 5th cent. CE) and hic positus est Flaes ebreus (JIWE I 37, 4—5th cent. CE). In these Napolitan epitaphs there is also Aramaic or Hebrew, which supports the language related meaning of the term. In Macedonia, there is a τάφος Θεοδοςίου Ἑβρέου (tomb of Theodosius the Hebrew) (IJudO I Mac 8, Beroea, Macedonia, 4th cent. CE or later), with a menora. In the epitaph IJudO I Mac 9 (Beroea, Macedonia, first half of 4th cent. CE), the term is used a bit differently, of hymns: [προ]φερέστατος ὕμνοις Ἑβρέων Γέρας ἐνθάδε κῖτε (… most renowed in hymns of the Hebrews, Gera [or Geras or an old man] lies here).

From the epigraphic material it can be seen that the term is related to Judaism, the Hebrews having been Jews, but the exact meaning remains unclear. Possibly, the meaning might have changed in time and place, like the titles used by different Jewish communities. There is no hard evidence for the geographical meaning of the term in inscriptions, but this possibility cannot be ignored, the evidence for any meaning remaining scarce, the same applying to the meaning “Hebrew speaker”.

Papyri

In Papyri, Ἰουδαῖος is the usual word for a Jew, the adjective Hebrew being only used rarely. In a contract concerning wine (CPJ III 512 , Fayûm, 6th—7th cent. CE) one of the parties is Abraham, a Hebrew from the city of Arsinoe: Ἀβρααμίῳ Ἑβρείῳ -- απὸ [τῆ]ς Ἀρσινοιτῶν πόλεως. It remains unclear why Abraham was a Hebrew, not a Jew.

A person can also be both Jewish and Hebrew, although that is highly unusual. In the papyrus CPJ III 511 (Antinoopolis, c. 570 CE, a lease of a workshop), one Peret is described as Ἑβραίου τῷ ἔθνει and Ἰουδαῖος. Hebrew is Peret’s ethnos, and apparently the two terms are not synonymous nor do they exclude each other.

In a letter by one Kosmas (CPJ III 507, Fayûm, 6th cent. CE), who was imprisoned because of his debts, the term is used in a surprising way: ὁ χρεώστης ἐφόνευςέν με θεσμ̣[ῷ̣?] Ἑβρέων (my creditor has murdered me in after the fashion (?) of the Hebrews). There is no sign of the writer’s nor the receiver’s Jewishness and it seems that the “Hebrew fashion” refers to owning money, not religion.

Literary sources

1st Maccabees does not use the word Ἑβραῖος at all, whereas in 2nd Maccabees (c. 1. cent. BCE) it is used a few times. In 11:13 Lysias understands the might of the rebels: ἀνικήτους εἶναι τοὺς ῾Εβραίους, τοῦ πάντα δυναμένου Θεοῦ συμμαχοῦντος αὐτοῖς ➚ ( KJV ➚: the Hebrews could not be overcome, because the Almighty God helped them). Here the rebels are “Hebrews”, and their god is mentioned. The use is surprising for usually the rebels are called Ἰουδαῖοι ➚. Lysias is a foreigner and thus the purpose could be to contrast nations, but that is unusual in the work. For example, in 11:2 Lysias goes to war ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους (KJV: against the Jews). Whatever the reason to choose different vocabulary in this passage, Ἑβραῖος and Ἰουδαῖος seem to be synonymous, both meaning “Jewish”. At the end of the work, the author says: ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνων τῶν καιρῶν κρατηθείσης τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τῶν ῾Εβραίων (KJV: from that time forth the Hebrews had the city in their power) (15:37). Again, the aspect of contrasting nations is possible. However, the same chapter describes Judas’ actions and the fall of Nicanor, also mentioning the god, which sounds like a religious victory, because of which Ἰουδαῖος as Jews would be expected. In 11:5 it was clear that Ἑβραῖος and Ἰουδαῖος mean the same people, but in this passage, it is less obvious. In the end, the author hardly wished to imply that the people in power in Jerusalem were not just Jews but some other group, Hebrews, and hence I suppose it is safe to assume that Ἑβραῖος and Ἰουδαῖος are the same people here as well. As stated, the reason for the choice of vocabulary remains highly unclear.

Philo (c. 20 BCE – 1st cent. CE) uses the term rarely and mostly in reference to the language when he gives the Hebrew words for things. In On confusion of tongues, he says: Ἑβραίων μὲν γλώττῃ (in the language of Hebrews) (68) and Ἑβραῖοι λέγουσι (Hebrews call) (129) (LCL 261: Philo, On the Confusion of Tongues. On the Migration of Abraham. Who Is the Heir of Divine Things? On Mating with the Preliminary Studies). In On Abraham the term is also found referring to one’s practises, i.e. in the religious meaning, when Abraham’s wife describes her handmaid: γένος μὲν Αἰγυπτίαν, τὴν δὲ προαίρεσιν Ἑβραίαν (an Egyptian by birth, but a Hebrew by her rule of life) (251) (LCL 289: Philo, On Abraham. On Joseph. On Moses).

Statius (c. 45 – c. 96 CE) uses the term in his Silvae in a funerary context, applying the adjectival variant without c for things: Hebraei liquores. The geographical meaning seems probable; there are listed several regions. Palestine is mentioned separately, and the liquids are balsams (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6).

omne illic stipatum examine longo
ver Arabum Cilicumque fluit floresque Sabaei
Indorumque arsura seges praereptaque templis
tura Palaestinis, simul Hebraeique liquores
Coryciaeque comae Cinyreaque germina

(There close-packed in lengthy abundance flows the whole springtime of Arabia and Cilicia, Sabaean flowers, Indian harvest for the flames, incense preempted from Palestinian temples, Hebrew essences too, Corycian strands and Cinyrean buds) ( Stat. Silv. 5.1.210—214 ➚, epicedion in Priscillam) (LCL 206: Statius, Silvae).

Josephus (1st cent. CE) uses the term both for the people and the language. For him Ἑβραῖος is the umbrella term meaning all the descendants of Abraham, Ἰουδαῖος referring to Judah, and Hebrews always being “good Jews”, even though the two are parts of the same group not strongly differentiated (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6). At the beginning of War, he also calls himself Hebrew: Ἰώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς, γένει Ἑβραῖος, ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων ἱερεύς ➚ (Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest of Jerusalem ➚) (BJ 1.3) (LCL 203: Josephus, the Jewish War).

In AJ 1.5 he has the κ-variant as an adjective attribute describing the texts: μέλλει γὰρ περιέξειν ἅπασαν τὴν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀρχαιολογίαν καὶ διάταξιν τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἐκ τῶν Ἑβραϊκῶν μεθηρμηνευμένην γραμμάτων ➚ (for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures ➚). Here the language and the people of the region are both possible meanings. Similarly, in AJ 9.208 ἐν ταῖς Ἑβραϊκαῖς βίβλοις ➚ (in the Hebrew books ➚).

In AJ 2.226 ➚ there is a feminine form of the adjective: τῶν Ἑβραΐδων γυναικῶν (one of the Hebrew women ➚). Here the meaning seems ethnic, for in the previous sentence Josephus says: τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Ἑβραίων γένους ἀπώλειαν(the destruction of the Hebrew nation) (2.225). In War also mentions “the nation/race of the Hebrews”: τὸ γένος τῶν Ἑβραίων(BJ 5.5).

However, inAJ 2.201—202 ➚ he calls the Hebrews Israelites, bringing religious sense to the ethnic meaning: Αἰγυπτίοις τρυφεροῖς καὶ ῥᾳθύμοις πρὸς πόνους οὖσι καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων ἡδονῶν ἥττοσι καὶ δὴ καὶ τῆς κατὰ φιλοκέρδειαν συνέβη δεινῶς πρὸς τοὺς Ἑβραίους διατεθῆναι κατὰ φθόνον τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὸ τῶν Ἰσραηλιτῶν γένος ἀκμάζον (Now it happened that the Egyptians grew delicate and lazy, as to pains-taking, and gave themselves up to other pleasures, and in particular to the love of gain. They also became very ill-affected towards the Hebrews, as touched with envy at their prosperity; for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished ➚).

Josephus also uses the rare adverb ἑβραϊστὶ when the Hebrew language is used, for example twice in AJ 10.8. He also employs prepositional expressions for using the language, as: συνάγει δ᾿ αὐτοὺς ὁ Σαμουῆλος εἴς τινα πόλιν λεγομένην Μασφάτην· κατοπτευόμενον τοῦτο σημαίνει κατὰ τὴν τῶν Ἑβραίων γλῶτταν (So Samuel gathered them together to a certain city called Mizpeh, which, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies a watch-tower ➚) ( AJ 6.22 ➚ ), κατὰ γλῶτταν τὴν Ἑβραίων (in the language of Hebrews) (AJ 1.34) and κατὰ τὴν Ἑβραίων (TAG διάλεκτος) διάλεκτον (in the dialect of Hebrews) (AJ 1.33). Additionally, in War Josephus employs the rare verb: καὶ ὁ Ἰώσηπος -- τά τε τοῦ Καίσαρος διήγγελλεν ἑβραΐζων (LCL: Josephus -- delivered Caesar’s message in Hebrew) (BJ 6.97 ).

In the Gospels, John the adverb Ἑβραϊστί twice, referring to the Hebrew or Aramaic language: Ἔστιν δὲ ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐπὶ τῇ προβατικῇ κολυμβήθρα ἡ ἐπιλεγομένη Ἑβραϊστὶ Βηθζαθὰ πέντε στοὰς ἔχουσα, Vulgata ➚ Est autem Jerosolymis probatica piscina, quæ cognominatur hebraice Bethsaida, quinque porticus habens (ESV ➚ Now there is in Jerusalem by the Sheep Gate a pool, in Aramaic (or Hebrew) called Bethesda) (Joh. 5:2) and τοῦτον οὖν τὸν τίτλον πολλοὶ ἀνέγνωσαν τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ὅτι ἐγγὺς ἦν ὁ τόπος τῆς πόλεως ὅπου ἐσταυρώθη ὁ Ἰησοῦς· καὶ ἦν γεγραμμένον Ἑβραϊστί, Ῥωμαϊστί, Ἑλληνιστί, Vulgata Hunc ergo titulum multi Judæorum legerunt: quia prope civitatem erat locus, ubi crucifixus est Jesus, et erat scriptum hebraice, græce, et latine (ESV: Many of the Jews read this inscription, for the place where Jesus was crucified was near the city, and it was written in Aramaic, in Latin, and in Greek) (Joh. 19:20). The other evangelists do not use the Hebrew vocabulary at all.

In the 5th book of his Histories, Tacitus (56 – c. 120 CE) talks about the First Jewish War also describing the history and origins of the region and its people (see also Iudaeus ➚ in Tacitus). He uses hebraeus to describe the land: hebraeae terrae. This is notable for usually the term is supposed to refer to the language, even though it probably originates from the name of the land. It remains unclear whether Tacitus was aware of this etymology, but he clearly uses the word in a geographical meaning (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6). Hist. 5.2 ➚

Iudaeos Creta insula profugos novissima Libyae insedisse memorant, qua tempestate Saturnus vi Iovis pulsus cesserit regnis. argumentum e nomine petitur: inclutum in Creta Idam montem, accolas Idaeos aucto in barbarum cognomento Iudaeos vocitari. quidam regnante Iside exundantem per Aegyptum multitudinem ducibus Hierosolymo ac Iuda proximas in terras exoneratam; plerique Aethiopum prolem, quos rege Cepheo metus atque odium mutare sedis perpulerit. sunt qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte Aegypti potitos, mox proprias urbis Hebraeasque terras et propiora Syriae coluisse. clara alii Iudaeorum initia, Solymos, carminibus Homeri celebratam gentem, conditae urbi Hierosolyma nomen e suo fecisse.

(Some say that the Jews were fugitives from the island of Crete, who settled on the nearest coast of Africa about the time when Saturn was driven from his throne by the power of Jupiter. Evidence of this is sought in the name. There is a famous mountain in Crete called Ida; the neighbouring tribe, the Idæi, came to be called Judæi by a barbarous lengthening of the national name. Others assert that in the reign of Isis the overflowing population of Egypt, led by Hierosolymus and Judas, discharged itself into the neighbouring countries. Many, again, say that they were a race of Ethiopian origin, who in the time of king Cepheus were driven by fear and hatred of their neighbours to seek a new dwelling-place. Others describe them as an Assyrian horde who, not having sufficient territory, took possession of part of Egypt, and founded cities of their own in what is called the Hebrew country, lying on the borders of Syria. Others, again, assign a very distinguished origin to the Jews, alleging that they were the Solymi, a nation celebrated in the poems of Homer, who called the city which they founded Hierosolyma after their own name.) translation ➚

In his Civil Wars, describing the events in the late Republic, Appian (c. 95 – c. 165 CE) lists people around the Mediterranean. Amongst them, there is τὸ Ἑβραίων γένος (the nation of Hebrews) (BC 2.71 ➚) (LCL 5: Appian, Roman History. Civil Wars. Perseus ➚). The meaning is clearly geographical.

Describing Greece, Pausanias (2nd cent. CE) mentions the Hebrews in the geographical sense: καὶ ἐς μὲν πόλεμον οὐδένα ἑκούσιος κατέστη, Ἑβραίους δὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Σύρων ἐχειρώσατο ἀποστάντας (He (Hadrian) never voluntarily entered upon a war, but he reduced the Hebrews beyond Syria, who had rebelled ( Perseus ➚)) ( Paus. 1.5.5 ➚ ). He calls the region “the land of Hebrews”, for example in 8.16.4: ἐν τῇ Ἑβραίων. During his days the officially correct form of the region was Palaestina, which he uses as well (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6), for example ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ (1.14.7). The two words also appear together. Speaking of oracle women, Pausanias says: ἐπετράφη δὲ καὶ ὕστερον τῆς Δημοῦς παρ᾿ Ἑβραίοις τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς Παλαιστίνης γυνὴ χρησμολόγος, ὄνομα δὲ αὐτῇ Σάββη (Later than Demo there grew up among the Hebrews above Palestine a woman who gave oracles and was named Sabbe ( Perseus ➚)) ( 10.12.9 ➚ ).

Tertullian (c. 155 AD – c. 220 AD) gives an explanation to the relationship between Iudaeus and Hebraeus in his Apologeticum Hebraei retro, qui nunc Iudaei; igitur et litterae Hebraeae et eloquium (Hebrews was the name formerly given to those now called Jews. Consequently both their literature and language are Hebrew ( translation ➚)) ( Tert. Apol. 18.6 ➚ ). He uses the variant Hebraeus for both people and things. Other authors do not mention this change of terminology (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6) and it does not seem plausible given that both terms were in use since Hellenistic times, even though Ebraeus is less common than Iudaeus. Especially epigraphic evidence suggests the terms having been used side by side, perhaps in a bit different sense. Tertullian’s comment might indicate that the terminology was unclear even for the natives of the day, at least to outsiders of Judaism.

John Chrysostom (c. 347 – 407 CE) discusses Christians, Jews and pagans in his sermon Adversus Judaeos ➚ (both passages are in p. 4 of the PDF). Usually he calls Jews Ἰουδαῖοι, but the term Ἑβραῖος appears as well. In Adv. Jud. 3.4 says: εἰς τὰ τῶν Ἑβραίων εἰσελθεῖν (to enter (the shrine) of the Hebrews ( translation ➚)) and in 3.5 ἐπὶ τὰ τῶν Ἑβραίων -- συνέδρια (to the place where the Hebrews assembled). Here “Hebrews” seems to simply mean Jews and the term is only used in reference to the place.

Catalogue of occurrences

Inscriptions

IJudO I Ach 47, Mac 8; 9

IJudO II 15; 16; 54; 240; 244

IJudO III Cyp 3

JIWE I 33; 35; 37

JIWE II 2; 33; 578

Papyri

CPJ III 507; 511; 512

Literary sources

Appian BC 2.71

Gospel of John 5:2; 19:20

John Chrysostom Adv. Jud. 3.4, 5

Josephus AJ 1.5, 33, 34; 2.201—202, 225, 226; 6.22; 9.208; 10.8; BJ 1.3; 5.5; 6.97

2nd Maccabees 11:2, 5, 13; 15:37

Pausanias 1.5.5; 1.14.7; 8.16.4; 10.12.9

Philo Conf. 68; 129, Abr. 251

Statius Silv. 5.1.210—214

Tacitus Hist. 5.2

Tertullian Apol. 18.6

Discussion / interpretation

In Greek the term first appears during the Hellenistic era and it remains in use throughout Antiquity meaning in some way “Jewish”, Ἰουδαῖος being the most common designation of Jews, or in the geographical or language related meaning. In Latin the term only appears after classical times, Iudaeus being used for Jews since Cicero. In Byzantine era Ἑβραῖος became more common once Ἰουδαῖος has got a pejorative tone (Williams 1997, 253).

Be the meaning religious, ethnic or geographical, the question is, what is the difference between Ἑβραῖος and Ἰουδαῖος – to what extent were the meanings overlapping or excluding? In addition to the knowledge of the Hebrew language a close relationship with Palestine or certain religious ideas have been suggested. As Noy and Sorek point out, because of the scarcity of evidence the self-designations of Jews before the 3rd century CE remains unclear (Noy, Sorek 2007, 6). The term was used by both Jews and others.

bibliography

Corpora:

CPJ III “Corpus Papyrorum Judaicorum III”, eds. Victor A. Tcherikover, Alexander Fuks, Menahem Stern, David M. Lewis, Magnes Press, Hebrew University by Harvard University Press, 1964.

IJudO I ”Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis I: Eastern Europe”, eds. D. Noy, A. Panayotov, H. Bloedhorn, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 101, Mohr Siebeck, 2004.

IJudO II ”Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II: Kleinasien”, ed. W. Ameling, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 99, Mohr Siebeck, 2004.

JIWE I ”Jewish inscriptions of Western Europe I: Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain and Gaul”, ed. D. Noy, Cambridge University Press, 1993.

JIWE II ”Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe II: the city of Rome”, ed. D. Noy, Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Studies:

Gesenius 1846 “Hebrew-Chaldee Lexicon to the Old Testament”, Friedrich Wilhelm Gesenius, 1846.

Noy, Sorek 2007 ”Claudia Aster and Curtia Euodia: Two Jewish Women in Roman Italy”, D. Noy, S. Sorek, Women in Judaism: A Multidisciplinary Journal, vol. 5, no. 1, 2007.

Solin 1983 ”Juden und Syrer im westlichen Teil der römischen Welt. Eine ethnisch-demographische Studie mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der sprachlichen Zustände”, H. Solin, ANRW II.29.2, 1983.

Williams 1997 “The Meaning and Function of Ioudaios in Graeco-Roman Inscriptions”, Margaret H. Williams, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 116 (1997), published by: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.